Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 151

The conversation between the two ultimately failed to reach a conclusion. Liang Qichao could not accept the Labor Party's advocacy of people's democracy. He always believed that the process of losing the Qing emperor's power would inevitably cause chaos among the various ethnic groups in the country, and the country would cease to exist.

However, the sentiments of the people in various regions were quickly revealed. Within five hours of the telegram sent from Wuhan, five provinces—Hunan, Sichuan, Henan, Jiangxi, Anhui, and Shanxi—telegraphed the whole country, announcing their support for the republic. The next morning, Tibet, Shannan, Outer Mongolia, and Guihua also telegraphed the whole country in support of the republic. At noon, the Manchu city of Jiangning surrendered after firing test shots in the Ninth Town. The Governor-General of Liangjiang, the Governor of Zhejiang, and the newly established Nanjing People's Committee jointly telegraphed that Jiangsu and Zhejiang had broken away from the Qing Dynasty. In the afternoon, Guizhou telegraphed its support for the republic.

Within a single day, the provinces leaning towards the republic had spread to nearly half of China, and these provinces occupied the heart of China, separating not only the north and south but also the east and west. Once again, a grand scene of families leaving Beijing appeared, and even ordinary people felt that the Qing Dynasty's fate was sealed and it was no longer safe to stay in Beijing.

Yuan Shikai also tried desperately to contact various provinces to find out their movements. However, apart from Manchuria in the war zone, most of the other provinces were observing the situation. The reason they did not support Wuhan was not because they wanted to be loyal to the Qing Dynasty, but because they hoped to sell themselves for a good price.

Only a few Manchu cities—Ningxia, Xinjiang, Xi'an, and Fuzhou—truly wanted to preserve the Qing Dynasty, but their strength was far too weak, especially in Fuzhou and Xinjiang, where Manchus were a tiny minority. Even Yuan Shikai didn't think they could hold out for long. Other provinces tried to play the game between Wuhan and the Beiyang government, hoping to side with whoever gained the upper hand in the conflict.

At this point, Yuan Shikai had no choice but to change his stance of continuing to confront Wuhan and begin to consider how to find his place and that of the Beiyang government again within the new republican system after the end of the Qing Dynasty.

Chapter 539

Although he received the transfer order from Wuhan, Xu Xilin did not rush to put down his work and return to Wuhan. Instead, he sent a telegram back to Wuhan, saying that it would be best for him to stay in the local area for another 2-3 months, because he had just figured out the situation in Outer Mongolia and eastern Inner Mongolia. If someone else were to take over his work now, it would inevitably affect the local land reform and political reorganization work.

The Central Committee of the Communist Party of China in Wuhan, taking into account that the Siberian Expeditionary Force led by Cai E was in the process of withdrawing, and in order to ensure the logistical support of the army in Outer Mongolia, agreed with Xu Xilin's report.

After Nicholas II issued the October 17 Declaration, Russia had effectively focused all its energy on domestic politics, and the Far East region was essentially abandoned. Naturally, Wuhan would not continue to station 50,000 to 60,000 troops in Outer Mongolia and the Selenga Valley, as simply maintaining the daily expenses of this force would be a heavy burden.

The return of Cai E's troops also put pressure on the Beiyang Army. With the main force of the Beiyang Army tied down in southern Manchuria, the return of such a force to the Shanxi region naturally made the Beiyang Army feel very nervous.

In fact, after Wuhan issued its telegram declaring republicanism, the Beiyang generals lost any thought of heading south to seize territory, as everyone believed that the Beiyang forces were no match for Wuhan. Moreover, after occupying northern Manchuria, Shanxi, and Inner Mongolia, the Wuhan army, in conjunction with the troops south of the Yellow River, had already encircled the Beiyang forces, putting them at a strategic disadvantage.

So, 24 hours after the telegram was sent from Wuhan, which was the fourth day of the Nanjing Incident, Yuan Shikai, in his capacity as Chairman of the State Council, published an article in the newspapers, demanding that Nanjing and Wuhan remain calm, that the country not be divided in this difficult situation, and that everyone should sit down and negotiate to resolve the issue.

Although Yuan Shikai did not directly respond to Wuhan's telegram announcing a republic, his statements undoubtedly indicated that the Beiyang government would not engage in armed conflict with Nanjing. This meant that the Beiyang government's stance on republicanism was not unacceptable. Consequently, the remaining provinces finally issued telegrams echoing Yuan Shikai's call for Wuhan and Nanjing to sit down and negotiate.

After the Governor of Guizhou sided with Wuhan, Zhao Erxun's power was greatly weakened. Although he was personally loyal to the Manchu Qing dynasty, Yunnan was an economically backward region. Moreover, with the expansion of French and British forces into Yunnan, the people of the region had long been dissatisfied with the Manchu court, which obeyed foreigners, out of a need to resist imperialism. It was only after Sichuan was controlled by Wuhan that a group of loyal Manchu Qing loyalists fled from Sichuan to Yunnan, which greatly increased the conservative forces in Yunnan and allowed Zhao Erxun to gain a foothold in Yunnan.

However, after Guizhou sided with Wuhan, the gateway to Yunnan was controlled by Wuhan. As a result, the revolutionary forces in Yunnan grew every day. Zhao Erxun did not dare to suppress the local revolutionary forces in Yunnan too actively, so he had no choice but to raise the banner of loyalty to the central government in order to ease the pressure from the revolutionaries.

There are actually only three routes connecting Yunnan with the rest of China: one is from Sichuan through Guizhou into Yunnan, another is from Hunan into Yunnan, and the third is through Guangxi. Of course, the most convenient route is by narrow-gauge train to Vietnam, but this route is controlled by the French, so it is not under the control of the Chinese.

Now, the two channels into Yunnan from Hunan and Guizhou have been controlled by Wuhan. If Yunnan wants to connect with Beijing, the only way is through Guangxi and Guangdong.

Although Cen Chunxuan, the Governor-General of Guangdong and Guangxi, was a member of the Qingliu faction, his stance was actually quite flexible. He was not determined to die for the Qing Dynasty. However, as a member of the Qingliu faction, he also inherited the struggle between the Qingliu faction and the Huai faction led by Li Hongzhang. After Li Hongzhang's death, it turned into a confrontation with the Beiyang faction led by Yuan Shikai.

It should be said that after Emperor Guangxu was liberated from Wuhan, Cen Chunxuan quickly contacted Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao, attempting to return to the Emperor's party and suggesting that the constitutionalists in Jiangsu and Zhejiang be won over as external supporters to reorganize the forces loyal to the court.

Liang Qichao was very interested in Cen Chunxuan's suggestions and advised Emperor Guangxu to win him over. However, Kang Youwei believed that Cen Chunxuan was nothing more than a spoiled brat with close ties to Ronglu, and therefore not trustworthy. As a result, Cen Chunxuan was ultimately excluded from the royalist party led by Kang and Liang, which put him in a rather awkward position.

The Qing dynasty placed great importance on Guangdong and Guangxi, as the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom originated in Guangxi, and the Thirteen Factories of Guangzhou were the Qing dynasty's only window to the outside world and a major source of revenue. Therefore, the Qing dynasty stationed a large number of troops in Guangdong and Guangxi, especially in Guangdong, to suppress local anti-Qing forces.

Anti-Qing sentiment in Guangdong and Guangxi has been a tradition since the establishment of the Qing Dynasty. At the end of the Ming Dynasty, a large number of Ming loyalists migrated from Guangdong and Guangxi to various parts of Southeast Asia, retaining the political ideology of anti-Qing and restoration of the Ming. Guangdong and Guangxi are densely populated and the Qing Dynasty's policy of isolationism could not prevent the residents of Guangdong and Guangxi from going to Southeast Asia to make a living. Therefore, after these Qing Dynasty immigrants arrived in Southeast Asia, they integrated with the old immigrant communities and accepted the political ideology of anti-Qing and restoration of the Ming.

For example, Sun Yat-sen did not begin his anti-Qing movement only after going abroad and absorbing democratic ideas and nationalism. He grew up surrounded by anti-Qing folk tales in Guangdong. The democratic ideas and nationalism he encountered overseas merely added modern revolutionary concepts to the simple anti-Qing and restoration tradition of the people of Guangdong and Guangxi.

Therefore, apart from the Manchu bannermen, most of the troops stationed in Guangdong and Guangxi came from other provinces, especially Hunan. However, as the Hubei and Hunan regions were occupied by the Workers' Party, the Hunan troops stationed in Guangdong began to weaken. In order to resist the military pressure from Wuhan, Cen Chunxuan had no choice but to train a new army. However, the new army in Guangdong and Guangxi absorbed a large number of local people, which made most of the new army inclined towards revolution.

This is also why Cen Chunxuan sided with the constitutionalists in Jiangsu and Zhejiang. He knew that the old Manchu-Han system could no longer maintain its rule. In particular, the people in Guangdong and Guangxi had become openly disgusted with the Manchus. The Eight Banners Han soldiers even identified more with their Han identity than with their banner identity. If the court wanted to maintain its rule in Guangdong, it had to obtain a more legitimate source of rule – a constitution.

However, Kang Youwei's exclusion of him and the lack of strength of the constitutionalists in Jiangsu and Zhejiang made constitutional monarchy increasingly distant from the Qing Dynasty. Therefore, Cen Chunxuan had to take the initiative to contact the revolutionaries and try to find a balance between revolution and reform. This is also the reason why Sun Yat-sen and other leaders of the Tongmenghui fled back to Guangdong.

The Nanjing Incident essentially foreshadowed the fate of Guangdong. Guangxi had always been a vassal state of Guangdong, thus Zhao Erxun and his Manchu supporters in Yunnan were effectively trapped within the province. Among all the provinces, only General Zhirui of Yili truly stood firm and issued a telegram opposing the republic. This cousin of Consort Zhen had been invited by the former General Chang Geng of Yili to protect her in Xinjiang, and later succeeded him as General of Yili after Emperor Guangxu's return to power.

Zhi Rui was one of the few capable officials among the Manchus who was not afraid of foreigners. His efforts in clearing up long-standing disputes between Chinese and Russian border residents in Xinjiang did not allow Russia to take too big a step further. However, in the late stages of a dynasty, the more capable an official was, and the more loyal he was to the court, the less likely he was to have a good end, because the court he upheld was the root of all the evils that the people hated.

During the mid-Qing Dynasty, the Manchus waged war against the Dzungars, extending their influence deep into Central Asia. However, as the dynasty waned in power towards the end, coupled with the rivalry between Britain and Russia in Central Asia, a backlash against the Qing's oppressive rule was quickly triggered by various ethnic groups in Central Asia and Xinjiang. Before Zuo Zongtang recovered Xinjiang, the Manchu forces in Xinjiang had been almost completely wiped out.

After Zuo Zongtang recovered Xinjiang, the Qing dynasty regained control of the region, but lost control of a large area of ​​Central Asia. This also resulted in the fact that in the mid-Qing dynasty, the rule over Xinjiang and Central Asia mainly relied on the Eight Banners and the Mongol army. However, after Zuo Zongtang recovered Xinjiang, the Qing dynasty's rule in the region mainly relied on the Hui Muslim armed forces and the Xiang Army.

Zhi Rui treated Xinjiang as the private property of the Manchus, attempting to make it their final refuge, which had already provoked discontent among the Hunan Army. Although this Hunan Army had little connection with the Hubei New Army established by Zhang Zhidong, they were geographically from Hunan, and the Gelaohui (a secret society) prevalent in the army had close ties with the Hunan secret societies that had already joined the Wuhan Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee, so they naturally leaned towards Wuhan.

However, Xinjiang was far from the interior, and these Hunan Army troops could not get support from the mainland, so they could only endure it. But as the telegram announcing the establishment of a republic spread, provinces in the interior and border provinces all leaned towards the republic. The Han Chinese army in Xinjiang was naturally unwilling to follow the Manchus in pursuing any Xinjiang independence. Moreover, the Hui armed forces and the local people of Xinjiang were estranged from the Manchus. Zhi Rui's telegram was actually a personal dictatorship, so the fate of this Manchu general was predictable.

However, for Wuhan, there was no longer any time to concern itself with the fate and future of these individuals. The telegram to the Republic had essentially drawn a chasm between Wuhan and various forces in the country, meaning that Wuhan was now considering its future from the perspective of the nation's future, rather than engaging in petty factionalism.

In fact, apart from the Beiyang government, other local powers couldn't even understand the political implications of Wuhan's telegram, because they simply couldn't grasp the significance of the nation's and people's fate. As for the Beiyang government, although its official status was barely acceptable, its capabilities as a political group were severely lacking; otherwise, Yuan Shikai wouldn't have waited until Wuhan issued its telegram to realize that the world was about to change.

With nearly half the provinces expressing their support for the Republic, Wuhan's primary concern at this time was the reaction of the foreign powers. Following the signing of the Treaty of Beijing, the influence of the foreign powers on Chinese politics grew increasingly stronger, and the Boxer Protocol further solidified their dominance over Chinese politics. Therefore, if the foreign powers disregarded everything and sided with the Beiyang government to block the Yangtze River estuary, it would be the most difficult choice for Wuhan.

However, the reactions of the major powers were largely within Lin Xinyi's expectations. Germany welcomed the expansion of Wuhan's influence into the lower reaches of the Yangtze River, which meant that German commerce could bypass the Anglo-German Yangtze River Treaty and expand into China's most prosperous regions. Of course, the Germans were unwilling to directly provoke Britain, and therefore advocated diplomatic neutrality, leaving China's affairs to be resolved by the Chinese themselves.

France had no intention of reacting to the Nanjing Massacre. The situation in Europe had already led France to adopt a policy of appeasement towards its colonies in Asia. After China demonstrated its strength and willingness to confront Russia, the French were now even less willing to provoke Wuhan in order to avoid Wuhan interfering with the withdrawal of Russian troops to Europe.

As for the Russians, the defeat in this war almost wiped out all the Far East interests they had gained after the Sino-Russian Beijing Agreement, and they were also facing the problem of domestic revolution. Therefore, they adopted the same position as France regarding the Nanjing Incident and made no judgment.

The situation in the United States is more complicated. At this time, the US government does not want to interfere too much in China's internal affairs because the financial crisis in the United States is still fermenting and spreading. Although Morgan's intervention finally stopped the wave of bankruptcies in the United States and trust companies, the end of the Far East war and the financial crisis caused the US business community to lose a lot of markets and small and medium-sized factories to suffer from debt crises, which directly affected the European economy.

Losses in European investments in the US stock market led to a decline in European consumer spending, resulting in a significant reduction in European factories' exports to the US market, further exacerbating the European economy. Consequently, both European and American manufacturing sectors experienced continuous capacity closures, most notably in the steel industry. Many US steel mills produced only 40% of their output in October compared to the previous month, clearly demonstrating the most significant indicator of market downturn.

In Europe, only German industry was less affected by the US financial crisis. This wasn't due to a small volume of trade between Germany and the US, but rather because the newly developed market of China was continuously absorbing German industrial capacity. German factories that encountered problems exporting to the US quickly shifted their exports to China with the support of German banks.

Therefore, the US government and the US business community placed their hopes for overcoming this financial crisis on the Chinese market. The Americans, who originally favored dividing up Manchuria and Outer Mongolia with Japan and Russia during the Far East war, had to abandon the policy of opening up the door and turn to public opinion on establishing friendly relations with China.

However, American businessmen in China preferred to actively intervene in China's internal affairs to maintain American privileges in China, a view shared by British business groups in China. However, London at this time prioritized European interests above all else and was unwilling to divert its influence to Asia; therefore, the active interventionist views of British and American businessmen in China did not receive support from the British and American governments.

As for Japan, it was completely thrown into disarray by the Republican telegram from Wuhan. Japan was inherently conflicted about whether to support the Qing Dynasty or the revolutionaries. Generally speaking, the ruling faction would advocate maintaining the Qing government to preserve the treaties signed between Japan and the Qing Dynasty, while the opposition forces preferred to support the revolutionaries, attempting to undermine the government's China policy through internal chaos in China, thereby creating an opportunity for themselves to come to power.

However, regardless of which faction it was, none of them seriously considered the future of East Asia after the success of the Chinese revolution, because no one believed that these rabble could succeed. Japan never expressed support for Wuhan, and even the Japanese who supported the Chinese revolution advocated for a Japanized China, not a People's Republic.

Suddenly, China, separated only by a narrow strait, transitioned from an imperial system to a republic. This news quickly had a significant impact on the Japanese mindset. Even with the fervent calls for "leaving Asia and joining Europe," the monarchical system that Japan retained was still rooted in Chinese culture. Therefore, the Japanese firmly believed that China could not possibly break free from its imperial system, just as Japan could not abandon its emperor system. This is why some Japanese dared to wholeheartedly support the Chinese revolutionaries.

The Japanese upper class suddenly became fearful. If the Chinese could abandon the monarchical system overnight, wouldn't the Japanese, who constantly shouted for Westernization, do the same? Emperor Meiji summoned his senior ministers several times to discuss the situation in China and the possibility of maintaining the Qing Dynasty system. However, the army and navy both showed signs of backing down. The elder statesmen, led by Ito, also firmly opposed interfering in the Chinese revolution, believing that this would only further antagonize China and Japan and hinder the overall unity of Asia.

The chaotic stance of the great powers relieved the leaders of the Workers' Party, as it meant that the chances of them intervening were slim. The next step was to reach an agreement with all parties as soon as possible, thereby unifying the consensus and establishing a new country, thus officially bringing the Qing Dynasty to an end.

Lin Xinyi handed over his work to Tian Junyi and decided to take the ship to Nanjing on October 27th, returning to Japan from Shanghai. Tian Junyi was reluctant to let Lin Xinyi leave. Although Lin Xinyi had only been back for two months, he had greatly advanced the process of the Chinese revolution. He believed that Lin Xinyi might not be able to play a significant role after returning to China, and that it would be better for him to stay in Wuhan to promote the revolution in Asia.

Lin Xinyi thought for a moment, then shook his head and said, "The most important thing for the Asian revolution next is to improve its own industrial capacity. In other words, we need a period of peaceful construction. But peace does not depend on one side; we also need the imperialists not to choose war. My purpose in returning this time is to restrain Japanese imperialists from disrupting peace in Asia, thus giving us enough time for construction. Only when China's industry develops will the Asian revolution have a truly solid bulwark; otherwise, imperialism will inevitably use machine guns and cannons to destroy the revolutionary forces..."

Unable to persuade Lin Xinyi to stay, Tian Jun could only say, "If you can't continue working in Japan, then come back as soon as possible. We will always welcome you back. Also, is there anything else you want to say to us?"

After thinking for a moment, Lin Xinyi said, "I believe that the 'centralization' in the system of democratic centralism refers to the centralization of the opinions of the people and the masses, not the centralization of power. If the Party turns the centralization of opinions into the centralization of power, then the Party will degenerate into a new bureaucratic group..."

Chapter 540

November in Japan is truly beautiful. Along the route from Yokohama to Tokyo, the trees are ablaze with vibrant colors of autumn foliage, a sight comparable only to traveling by train through the Greater Khingan Mountains in autumn. Meiji-era Japan was essentially still a large rural area; only a few foreign trade ports and railway lines truly reflect the impact of modernization.

Although he had been away from Japan for several years, Lin Xinyi felt that Japan had not changed much. Of course, this was only from his perspective. For anyone in this era, Japan was changing rapidly, but these changes were only superficial and mainly concentrated in the cities.

While young Japanese people in big cities can discuss British and Russian literature with foreigners, many young people in the countryside can't even read newspapers. In the countryside, far from cities and transportation lines, the lives of villagers are not much different from those in the Edo period. Fathers have the right to control their children as a matter of course. Even young people who have come to big cities like Tokyo and broadened their horizons still have to obey their fathers' orders to get married. Otherwise, they will be regarded as dissolute youths and looked down upon by the villagers.

While urban intellectuals fought for democratic rights and opposed feudal politics, rural peasants still admired families who became officials or soldiers. Feudal privilege did not decline in rural Japan; on the contrary, it became more respected as Japan won its wars of conquest, because these families did indeed become wealthier or change their fate as a result.

From this perspective, Japan in 1907 was not much different from Japan during the period of the Tokugawa shogunate. The lower classes did not have the idea of ​​breaking up the upper class and establishing a new era; they just wanted to seize the opportunity to climb into the upper class and change their own destiny.

The upper class in Japan today is not fundamentally different from the upper class during the Edo period. They do not govern the country for the people, but rather to maintain their rule. The only difference is that the industrialization of the Meiji era was able to support the upper class more than the agricultural economy of the Edo period, so the upward mobility of the lower classes was not cut off, and thus social discontent did not reach the explosive levels of the anti-shogunate period.

Therefore, when Lin Xinyi returned from China and India and saw Japan again, he felt that nothing had changed since he left. This was because Japan's social structure had not changed, and the upper class still used high-pressure tactics to suppress the dissatisfaction of the people. Newspapers that could tell the truth were almost all shut down.

The entire nation appeared to be jubilant over the victory in the war, but in reality, Japanese society was filled with a repressive atmosphere because any criticism of the war was considered treasonous. Simply put, nothing was permitted except praise for the military, the government, and the Emperor.

As Lin Xinyi pondered and gazed at the scenery outside the window, he noticed that Domoto Keiichi beside him had stood up. He instinctively grabbed the other man and said, "The next stop is Shinbashi. This is Shinagawa. What are you doing with your luggage?"

Domoto turned to look at him and explained, "The Naval General Staff has moved to Shinagawa, near the former Shinagawa Station on the Tokaido. Aren't we supposed to report to the Naval General Staff?"

“No, even if you’re going to report, there’s no need to rush…” Lin Xinyi stopped abruptly as he spoke. He thought for a moment and then said, “It’s better if you go to report first. If I suddenly show up, it might be too much of a shock for them, and they might suffer a bit. You should go back and tell Vice Minister Togo for me to give them some buffer time. If I go to report in a couple of days, their emotions should be more stable.”

Domoto Keiichi naturally didn't object; he simply confirmed, "So, you plan to report for duty in a few days?"

After calculating for a moment, Lin Xinyi said, "Today is the 3rd, Sunday. I doubt Vice Minister Togo and the others will be at work. Tomorrow is Monday, so I'll report for duty on Wednesday morning. If Vice Minister Togo asks, I'll say I went to visit Miss Kiko..."

Shinbashi Station is the starting station of the Tokaido Main Line. Of course, nowadays Japanese people like to call train stations parking lots. In addition, Ueno Station, the starting point of the Tohoku Main Line, is located northeast of Tokyo. There has always been a call from the people of Tokyo to connect Shinbashi Station and Ueno Station. This is because the old Edo city area was in the northwest of the shogunate. Marunouchi, which was east of the shogunate, was actually land reclaimed from the sea during the Edo period. Although there were castle towns, the population was relatively small.

Before the advent of railways, the most convenient and fastest means of transportation in Tokyo was actually by boat, because Edo Castle was originally a city built on swampy land. The Tokugawa family developed the Tokyo Plain by managing the waterways of this land, thus overpowering the Osaka Plain occupied by the Toyotomi family.

Therefore, Edo Castle and its surrounding waterways were well-developed, allowing boats to reach almost any area of ​​Edo. Thus, the area around Nihonbashi during the Edo period was filled with warehouses, and leaving Nihonbashi was considered stepping out of Edo. Since the Meiji Restoration, the introduction of trams, railways, and modern bridges shifted transportation in the Tokyo area towards land. However, the cheapest mode of transport in Tokyo was still the ichisen steamship, where one sen (a unit of currency) could cover a short distance on a steamship.

In 1872, a fire broke out in the Ginza area of ​​Tokyo. After the disaster, the Japanese government decided to rebuild Ginza with Western-style streets in order to promote Western civilization to the people and to show goodwill to the West. As a result, the area from Shinbashi to Kyobashi was transformed into a British-style neighborhood, which was also known by the Japanese as Akarenwa-gai (Red Brick Street).

Before the fire, Ginza was merely a narrow district sandwiched between the outer moat of Tokugawa Edo Castle to the west and the bayfront mostly occupied by nobles. It was generally a haven for small merchants and artists, while large merchants gathered near Nihonbashi to the north. After the fire, with the construction of Shinbashi Station, Ginza became one of Tokyo's most bustling areas, with a large number of Western goods appearing on the street, making it a window into Tokyo.

Stepping off Shinbashi Station and crossing the bridge, the Western-style Akarenwa Street comes into view, a sight that is quite striking for Japanese people from the countryside.

To put it simply, before 1872, there were fewer than 20 brick buildings in the entire Tokyo area. After the fire, Ginza was rebuilt and had nearly 1000 brick buildings. Compared to the narrow streets of old Japan, the wide streets of Ginza and the trees lining the streets suddenly made people feel more open and spacious.

Although the British argue that the new Ginza district is too American, lacking both grandeur and elegance, and is a hybrid of exotic styles that detracts from the beauty of old Japanese neighborhoods, this hasn't stopped land prices in the area from soaring.

Realizing that transportation and urban redevelopment could generate additional land revenue, Tokyo landowners coveted the opportunity to connect Shinbashi and Nihonbashi, and to develop the Marunouchi area north of Ginza as well. However, the outbreak of war interrupted the construction of this urban railway and the new Tokyo Station, so Hayashi Shinji had to disembark at Shinbashi.

Lin Xinyi, carrying his luggage, glanced at the time on his pocket watch. It was not yet two o'clock. After thinking for a moment, he hailed a rickshaw to a Taiwanese tea shop near Xinqiao. This was the place that Ichira Muko had mentioned in her letter. Every Sunday afternoon, she would meet here with several classmates.

Ichiki entered a women's university in Japan, where she met many female classmates who shared a love of literature, and they formed a small literature club. However, Hayashi Shinichi hadn't had time to reply to her letter yet, so he didn't know if she would be there today. He decided to try his luck; if she wasn't there, he would go directly to the Ichiki family home in the Yamate district.

Taiwanese tea shops sound like they're run by Chinese people, but this one was actually opened by a Japanese geisha, though the interior is filled with Chinese ambiance. Of course, this so-called Chinese ambiance mainly refers to the furniture; at least Lin Hsin-yi couldn't see any connection between the kimono-clad waitresses and Chinese tea.

Although the proprietress was curious that Lin Xinyi had come to her shop with luggage looking for someone, she eventually accepted his request and checked the shop's guest list. Lin Xinyi was lucky; Ichira Muko was indeed in the shop. Lin Xinyi then wrote a note and handed it to the proprietress.

When the proprietress opened the private room where Ichiki Kiko was, Ichiki Kiko was discussing a waka poem with her friend Hiratsuka Akiko. Full of doubt, she took the note handed to her by the proprietress, unfolded it, glanced at it, and then stood up in surprise, asking, "Where is he?"

Akiko Hiratsuka glanced at the paper and realized it was a haiku by Izumi Shikibu: "I miss someone in my heart, and when I see fireflies on the marsh, I wonder if they are sleepwalking souls that have come out of my body."

Mingzi then deliberately stopped Muzi, who was about to leave, and said, "Who is it that makes you so eager to go? If you don't tell us, we'll all go with you."

Mu Zi's eyes flashed with a captivating charm, even Ming Zi, a woman herself, was somewhat mesmerized. But then she said without any shyness, "He is the lover I have been waiting for for so long. Even if you come along, I won't care."

The girls couldn't stop her any longer and watched helplessly as Mu Zi dashed out of the room like a whirlwind. After a long while, someone remembered something and said, "Mu Zi's lover, could it be that... the adventurer who went to the Himalayas to collect cherry blossom seeds for her?"

The girls in the room completely abandoned their discussion of literature and began to curiously discuss the appearance of Miss Muzi's lover. After a while, Akiko Hiratsuka slammed her hand on the table and said, "What are we guessing here for? Why don't you all go over and sneak a peek and we'll know?"

The girls seemed to have found something more interesting and suddenly became bolder, all agreeing to go and see what Miss Mu's lover looked like. However, when they mustered up the courage to ask the landlady for a room, they discovered that Miss Mu had already paid the bill and left with her lover. The girls could only sigh as they looked at the door.

After leaving the Taiwanese tea shop with Mu Zi, Lin Xinyi left his luggage at a nearby hotel and then accompanied Mu Zi to stroll along the Ginza street. This was probably the most relaxed moment he had had in years. After trying the red bean bread at Kimura-ya and the beef curry rice at Matsumoto-ro, Lin Xinyi suddenly realized that he seemed to be getting more and more used to life in this era.

As the moon climbed above the treetops, Lin Xinyi finally brought Mu Zi home. Out of courtesy, he had to pay his respects to Shi Laiqin first; he couldn't let Mu Zi disappear for the entire night without a word. However, before he could even greet Shi Laiqin's wife, he looked at Togo Masashi in surprise in the living room and said, "Teacher, what are you doing here?"

Ignoring him, Togo Masamichi bowed to Ichira Kotoko and said earnestly, "I am truly sorry for my rudeness. I will teach him a lesson when we get back. I will take him with me tonight and visit you again another day."

Shi Laiqin nodded slightly in response to Dongxiang, then glanced at her daughter standing next to Lin Xinyi before saying to Lin Xinyi, "You should go back with Mr. Dongxiang today. Come back another day and we can have a proper talk. Muzi is not young anymore; she has already graduated from university this year. Now that you're back, you should at least come up with a result."

Lin Xinyi opened his mouth, but finally lowered his head and said, "Yes, Madam."

Chapter 541

Tokyo's nights are dark; but as the carriages pass through the commercial streets, the golden light leaking from the shops illuminates the streets, a warm glow that is almost like the fragrance of Western European civilization.

Lin Xinyi quickly turned his gaze away from the carriage, cleared his throat, and said ingratiatingly to Togo Masamichi sitting opposite him, "I didn't expect that you wouldn't be taking a break today, teacher. If I had known this, I would have gone to Shinagawa to meet you first."

Although there were lanterns hanging outside the carriage, there were no lights inside, so those sitting in the carriage could only make out a rough outline at night. Togo stared for a long time but couldn't make out the expression on Lin Xinyi's face, so he scolded him impatiently: "Have you been away from Japan for too long and forgotten that you are Japanese? Don't you know today is Tenchosai? I'm on duty in Shinagawa today."

Lin Xinyi exclaimed "Ah!" before realizing what was happening and said, "No wonder there are national flags everywhere on the streets today, it's Tenchō Festival. Luckily I didn't go to Shinagawa, otherwise I would have wasted a whole day of my holiday."

"..." Togo Masashi was speechless. After thinking for a moment, he decided not to argue with Lin Xinyi anymore. In any case, he couldn't do anything to Lin Xinyi. Whether it was Ito, the elder, or Kawahara, the chief of staff, they all cared about Lin Xinyi. In fact, although the core of the Ito-Kawahara faction within the Navy was the two giants, Ito and Kawahara, it was the naval seminar established by Lin Xinyi that supported the entire faction.

The naval seminar effectively broke down the boundaries between the Satsuma clique and non-Satsuma factions within the navy, as well as the rigid hierarchical internal structure of the military, and even the closed naval clique. It reunited the navy in the form of an academic discussion platform and introduced fresh ideas from outside the navy.

The Satsuma clique of the past followed the lord-vassal system of the samurai era, where the entire group was built around a lord, and the extent of one's power depended on the relationship between oneself and the lord. Therefore, regional ties, classmates, and relatives were always more important than ability. This power system not only excluded capable people from outside the group, but even capable people from within the group were not necessarily allowed to take charge.

Because the Satsuma clique suffered a major blow in the Satsuma Rebellion, it remained relatively low-key in the navy. Saigo Tsugumichi even went so far as to actively win over civilians like Hayashi Nobuyoshi, who had no connection with the navy. However, after suppressing the Satsuma clique in the Satsuma Rebellion, the Choshu clique became unscrupulous. Yamagata not only issued military edicts to the army and navy on behalf of the emperor, but also launched a massive crackdown on non-Choshu factions within the army, turning the army into a one-man show for the Choshu clique.

Yamagata is thus known as the father of the Japanese Army, but in reality, the creators of the Japanese Army were Takasugi Shinsaku, who created the Kiheitai; Ōmura Masujirō, who reformed the feudal army; and Saigo Takamori, the soul of the anti-shogunate coalition. Yamagata's most outstanding achievements were not obtained in the anti-shogunate war, but in the Satsuma Rebellion, where he resolutely suppressed Saigo Takamori's private army, thus gaining the trust of Emperor Meiji.

However, this general, who performed mediocrely in the anti-shogunate war, has finally grown into a towering figure after nearly 20 years of cultivating the army. Apart from Ito Hirobumi, who can still keep him in check, no one else can shake Yamagata's control over the army.

If the naval seminar had not taken place, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe, who succeeded Saigō Tsugumichi as the leader of the Satsuma faction in the navy, would have followed the path of Yamagata Aritomo in controlling the army. Even if Ito Sukeyuki had been promoted to elder statesman, he would not have been able to compete with Yamamoto for control of the navy, because Yamamoto Gonnohyōe had already begun to accept the power of the Satsuma clique in the navy during Saigō Tsugumichi's lifetime. It would have been impossible for Ito to bring all these people to his side in a short period of time.

However, the emergence of the naval seminar bypassed the Satsuma clique's control over the navy, allowing young officers to make their voices heard without relying on anyone. This enabled high-ranking naval officers like Ito to interfere in internal naval affairs without going through intermediaries, thus creating a check on the high-ranking officers in the navy.

The existence of the Naval Symposium facilitated the unification of anti-mainstream forces within the Navy. This mainstream force refers to the naval bureaucrats represented by Minister Yamamoto. Yamamoto Gonnohyōe spent almost his entire life working in the central naval organs, so his influence was mainly concentrated in the Ministry of the Navy and the Naval General Staff. This means that Minister Yamamoto actually preferred bureaucrats from the central organs to fleet commanders. Therefore, the fleet faction did not fully agree with Minister Yamamoto's naval development philosophy. Naturally, everyone hoped for a channel to speak out and correct some of the Ministry of the Navy's erroneous policies. Thus, the Naval Symposium gained the support of these non-mainstream forces.

The reason why Ito, a senior elder, and Kawahara, the chief of staff, were able to come together was not because of any close personal relationship between them, but because they reached a mutually beneficial relationship through the Naval Symposium. Kawahara needed Ito's support to counter Yamamoto Gonnohyōe, and Ito also needed Kawahara to control the navy. The Naval Symposium provided a basis for mutual trust between the two.

The reason why Hayashi Nobuyoshi was so important to Ito Genro and Kawahara Chief of Staff was that after Hayashi Nobuyoshi left, Ito Genro and Kawahara Chief of Staff were simply unable to manage the Naval Research Conference. This new organizational form could not be controlled by power alone; otherwise, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe would have taken over the Naval Research Conference long ago.

During Lin Xinyi's absence, the Naval Research Association continued to develop on its own. Because of the needs of the anti-mainstream forces, no one was allowed to use their power to undermine the organization. However, after Lin Xinyi's departure, the Naval Research Association's influence truly declined. Many technical issues were only discussed as technical matters, and no discussion of naval policy could be derived from them.

This reveals the importance of Lin Xinyi. Even ignoring what Lin Xinyi did after leaving Japan, his guidance of the Naval Research Association's research and his efforts to unify the thinking within the Navy were enough to make Ito Genro and Kawahara Chief of Staff take him seriously.

As for Lin Xinyi's lack of attention to detail, well, for a genius, this is simply a matter of being unconventional. The Japanese are generally very tolerant of geniuses; after all, adopting sons-in-law is precisely a way to bring talent from outside the family into their ranks, in order to improve their bloodline. Compared to the things Lin Xinyi has done, this oversight in social etiquette is really just a matter of being unconventional. As someone who witnessed the founding of the navy firsthand, Togo Masamichi has seen far too many eccentric geniuses. Lin Xinyi's behavior is not a flaw at all; in fact, it's a genuine strength.

Since its inception, the Japanese Navy has faced enemies far stronger than itself, whether it was the Qing Dynasty fleet, the Russian fleet, or the American fleet. Therefore, the pressure on naval commanders has always been excessive. Ito Genro made several mistakes in the Battle of the Yellow Sea, even forgetting the orders he had just issued. The two former staff officers in charge of the operation against Russia this time both showed symptoms of neurasthenia. Only Hayashi Nobuyoshi showed a confident attitude towards this major battle, and was even unwilling to put aside his affairs in India to return to participate in the battle. After all, he was the one who decided on the location of the decisive Battle of Cam Ranh Bay.

Lin Xinyi's composure left a deep impression on Togo. It was precisely because of this that he did not find the series of miracles Lin Xinyi had created in India to be exaggerated. Only someone with such steely nerves could lead hundreds of Chinese people to challenge the world's superpower, the British Empire, on the Indian subcontinent where they did not speak the language. Anyone slightly weaker would have been overwhelmed by the prestige of the British Empire. How could they have faced the British so calmly?

Therefore, he could no longer regard the other party as his student, but rather as a comrade of equal status. Thus, Togo ignored Hayashi Shin's rogue-like behavior and instead asked, "Tell me, what exactly did you gain from your trip to China that you never returned from? If you can't give me a clear answer, I won't speak well of you to Chief of Staff Kawahara. The trouble you caused abroad this time was quite significant. Yamamoto Kaisho has his eye on you and is advocating for holding you accountable for desertion."

"Just deserting my post? I thought I would be treated as a deserter." Lin Xinyi couldn't help but chuckle when he heard the charge, but he quickly suppressed his smile, sat up straight, and replied seriously, "Actually, I went to China for an inspection, which was stated in my application report. I just didn't expect so many unexpected things to happen during the inspection."

Togo couldn't help but scoff, "You think you can investigate all the way to India? And even fight against the British army? What exactly did you investigate?"

Lin Xinyi remained unmoved and replied: "At first, I planned to study the disintegration and changes of Chinese society under the introduction of Western civilization. Later, I found that this topic was not comprehensive enough, so I changed it to the contradiction between Asian nationalism and European colonialism. However, after arriving in India, I felt that the topic could be studied more deeply, so the research topic became the mutual influence between civilizations and cultures."

"Alright, let the carriage go to my inn first. My investigation report is still there. Once the teacher has read it, he'll know I didn't neglect my post; I just lost track of time while researching. As for the conflict with the British, it was merely an experiment and self-defense, not a deliberate attempt to damage Anglo-Japanese relations. The British acknowledged this and were willing to make some compensation to the Chinese and Indians."

Togo thought Hayashi Shin-yi was truly shameless. The British hadn't voluntarily paid compensation; they'd been forced to accept the reality of defeat on the battlefield. However, regardless of the British's sincerity, legally, no one in Japan could really hold Hayashi Shin-yi accountable for this issue; otherwise, it would be a slap in the face to the British.