Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 112

Xu Shichang stood there with his head bowed and said, "I wonder if Your Highness has seen today's newspaper? Everything in the newspaper is true. Yesterday, His Majesty handed over imperial power to the National Assembly in front of everyone. The Beiyang Army would never disobey His Majesty's order."

Xu Shichang's answer caused chaos in the hall. Even the usually composed Grand Councilor Shixu couldn't help but say to Xu Shichang, "How can imperial power be granted privately? Just because an article was published in the newspaper, does that mean the National Assembly can do whatever it wants? If the National Assembly were to declare the overthrow of the Qing Dynasty, would the Beiyang Army have to submit?"

Xu Shichang said slowly, "The power of the National Assembly does not come from His Majesty's appointment, but from the powerful military force held by Wuhan. Beiyang has no ability to resist it, so naturally they can do whatever they say."

Of course, with His Majesty's endorsement, the power of the National Assembly becomes even more secure. After all, the Qing Dynasty still belongs to the Aisin Gioro family, and the current emperor is still His Majesty Guangxu. So, may I ask Your Excellency, under what pretext should we oppose the National Assembly's order? Without a pretext, the Beiyang soldiers will become traitors to be punished, and how can the morale of the soldiers on the front lines be maintained?”

During the three-hour debate, Xu Shichang finally understood these Manchu and Han officials. Regardless of their ignorance or intelligence, they all had only one perspective on matters: how to view issues from Cixi's point of view and help her maintain power. The Manchus probably had an additional issue of prioritizing Manchus over the Han Chinese.

Apart from the very young members of the Manchu imperial family, the youngest of the remaining Manchu and Han officials were all over 40 years old. This meant that those who could easily rise to high positions were inevitably members of the imperial family or relatives of the empress, while the remaining positions were reserved for those with deep experience. However, these experienced individuals had very specialized skills; they were almost all experts in personnel struggles, and once they left the system, they were incapable of doing anything else.

Unfortunately, Wuhan's rise shattered the Qing Dynasty's monolithic political system. Modern China effectively has two power structures: one is the old Qing Dynasty system, and the other is the Workers', Peasants', and Soldiers' Committee led by the Workers' Party, which champions reform. Consequently, these conservative ministers became disoriented, because the only thing on their minds was the saying, "There cannot be two suns in the sky."

Most of them are incapable of achieving anything on their own, but by leveraging the power of the system, these incompetent people often manage to suppress capable individuals at the grassroots level. However, the system is now facing problems. The old system was dismantled by the National Assembly led by Wuhan, and Wuhan has come up with a completely new system to build a new nation.

As a result, these clever individuals within the system, having become too aligned with the old order, found themselves unable to adapt to the increasingly enlightened new system. For example, Yuan Shikai and Xu Shichang possessed substantial military and political resources, ensuring they wouldn't have to worry about food even after surrendering to Wuhan. However, the conservatives were different; their political resources stemmed from the old system, and once the protection of that system was lost, those resources were also lost.

Therefore, the die-hards could only defend their own interests under the guise of protecting Empress Dowager Cixi's interests, and drive Yuan Shikai and Xu Shichang to fight against the Wuhan Army. But once Yuan Shikai and Xu Shichang stopped supporting the court, they had no choice but to cry to Cixi. However, Cixi was no longer the omnipotent Empress Dowager she had been a few days ago; she now hoped that these lackeys could muster the courage to fight Yuan Shikai and force him to submit to her.

However, after the National Assembly liberated Emperor Guangxu, no one dared to humiliate the emperor to please the Empress Dowager. For example, Xiao Dezhang, who managed the Imperial Kitchen, made things difficult for Emperor Guangxu during his meals and even placed private eunuchs to monitor him. Through these actions, Xiao Dezhang became the most favored young eunuch of the palace by Empress Dowager Cixi.

But yesterday, the parliamentary representative took Cui Yugui away and demanded to inspect the accounts of the Imperial Household Department. Upon hearing this, Xiao Dezhang immediately dared not make things difficult for Emperor Guangxu anymore, because he felt that the possibility of Guangxu's return to power had become very high. Even a favorite of Empress Dowager Cixi had this view of Guangxu's future, which indicated that the winds of change within the palace had shifted.

Under these circumstances, Yuan Shikai would certainly not jump back onto Cixi's sinking ship. With Wuhan holding the line, he no longer needed to care about his feud with Emperor Guangxu, nor did he need to worry about anyone in the court impeaching him. At present, only his Beiyang clique could keep the court from collapsing. If the Manchus pushed too far, they could simply part ways. Wuhan was the one who most wanted to overthrow the Qing Dynasty, and Yuan Shikai did not need to take action himself.

For a dynasty without military backing, it could no longer pose a real threat to powerful groups. In order to prolong its existence, it should try its best to meet the demands of these powerful groups to avoid the use of force. Moreover, the Qing Dynasty had not only lost its military power, but its reputation was also ruined. There were almost no people willing to die for the Qing, but many were willing to exchange their own deaths for the death of the Qing.

Xu Shichang patiently listened to the various unrealistic suggestions put forward by the participants. He felt that these were all nonsense and could not change the balance of power between the imperial court and Wuhan. They also did not fully trust the Beiyang Army. Some even suggested that after making peace with Russia, they should borrow troops to suppress the bandits.

Even Prince Qing, who was not particularly knowledgeable about military affairs and diplomacy, rejected the proposal outright. He said to Empress Dowager Cixi, "After Japan joined the war, Russia was already preoccupied with its own problems. Even Chengde had been taken back by the Beiyang Army. If we were to negotiate peace with Russia at this time, they would certainly agree. But to expect Russia to still have the strength to help us fight in Wuhan is wishful thinking. Doing such a thing would only offend Japan and Britain, and give Wuhan a righteous cause. If Your Majesty wants to negotiate peace with the Russians, then this old minister begs to retire."

As for Empress Dowager Cixi, she seemed to be getting old, and her mind was not as sharp as it had been in her youth. Until the very last moment, she was unable to make any decisions, although she did intend to adopt a child for Emperor Guangxu to inherit the throne. However, no one dared to respond to Cixi's suggestion. If she were to find an adopted son for Guangxu at this time, and Guangxu were to die suddenly afterward, then everyone present would be condemned as regicide.

The meeting continued until 2 PM when an unexpected announcement forced it to a halt: Cao Kun's troops had entered Beijing and ordered the palace guards to immediately leave the city for reorganization in Beiyuan. Upon hearing this, the vanguard battalion within the palace panicked, fearing they would be tricked into leaving and slaughtered. Therefore, they refused to leave, a common practice among Qing soldiers, and naturally, they feared retribution.

The news of the clash between the Beiyang Army and the vanguard battalion stationed at the palace naturally alarmed the Fozhao Tower. Xu Shichang seized the opportunity to flee, feeling that continuing the meeting would be a waste of his time.

Prince Qing accompanied him on his journey to mediate the dispute between the two armies. On the way, Prince Qing, with a worried expression, asked Xu Shichang, "What exactly is Xiangcheng thinking? Does he really intend to join forces with Wuhan to deal with us Manchus? Give me the truth so I can go back and make arrangements for my affairs."

Xu Shichang could only reassure him, "We don't want to fight the Manchus with Wuhan. It's just that our Beiyang Army doesn't have the strength to fight against Wuhan right now. They've also used His Majesty as a banner. What do you want Xiangcheng to do, Your Highness? During the Wuxu Coup, His Majesty already hated Xiangcheng to the bone. If Xiangcheng continues to stand on the Empress Dowager's side, wouldn't that just be what Wuhan wants?"

The most important thing right now is to control the situation and absolutely prevent the Wuhan army from entering Beijing. Only then will the court have a glimmer of hope. Otherwise, the calamity of the Jingnan Rebellion will be repeated today. At least Cao Kun has Manchus under his command; they at least won't harbor any ill will towards the Manchus in Beijing. If those southerners are allowed into Beijing, can the capital still be peaceful? The Emperor and Empress Dowager are at least on the same side. If the situation deteriorates further, it won't be a choice between two options anymore…”

Chapter 396 Project

Ultimately, circumstances are stronger than people. The palace guards' confidence stemmed from the fact that outsiders dared not directly storm the palace, a deeply ingrained belief in their minds.

The real difference between the royal guards in the middle and late periods of a dynasty and those in the early period lies in the fact that the royal guards in the middle and late periods never thought of risking their lives to protect the palace. If the enemy had already attacked the palace, what was the point of protecting it? On the other hand, the royal guards in the early period of a dynasty truly regarded protecting the palace as their duty.

Therefore, the imperial guards in the later stages of a dynasty almost entirely relied on the authority of the emperor for protection. Their most prominent characteristic was their strict adherence to rules. If they didn't follow the explicit and implicit rules of the palace, you wouldn't even know how you died. When palace rules overwhelmed military discipline, the army could no longer function as a cohesive unit. Their primary concern was ensuring they didn't side with the wrong person, rather than upholding military discipline.

The vanguard battalion attempted to use imperial power to suppress the Beiyang Army that had entered the palace for troop rotation, but Cao Kun's troops, handpicked by Feng Guozhang, did not show much respect for imperial power. The defeat of the Beiyang First Division had caused the imperial power to lose its last shred of authority. Now everyone in the army knew that only Wuhan and Beiyang could hold off the foreign powers, and only Beiyang could rival Wuhan. The soldiers' sense of belonging to the Beiyang Group had begun to surpass that of the imperial court, because the imperial court could no longer protect them.

The conflict arose because, on the one hand, the Manchus' tendency to crumble at the mere sight of the enemy on the battlefield caused the soldiers to lose their respect for them; on the other hand, the order issued by the National Assembly was justified. Since the palace guards could not protect the emperor, what right did they have to use imperial power to suppress these soldiers?

The National Assembly claimed that the Vanguard Battalion was a mixed bag, even containing many rebels. This claim had already been accepted by the Beiyang officers and soldiers who came to relieve the troops. In their eyes, these so-called palace guards were not the emperor's personal troops, but rather henchmen who obeyed Empress Dowager Cixi in persecuting the emperor. Now that the National Assembly was on the emperor's side, these people were naturally traitors. What right did a bunch of traitors have to swagger in front of them?

Therefore, when the palace guards refused to relinquish their posts, they were naturally met with a fierce attack from the Beiyang Army, though no shots were fired. Of course, the vanguard battalion did show some courage at this time; in order not to be driven out of the palace, they united for the first time and fought with these Beiyang Army soldiers, though they were even less likely to use weapons.

When Xu Shichang and Prince Qing arrived at the palace gates, they were met with a brawl involving hundreds of people. With their arrival, the chaotic scene was finally brought under control. Xu Shichang immediately berated the commander and officers of the vanguard battalion, ordering them to immediately regroup and leave the palace. They were to either go to Beiyuan for military reorganization or strip naked and go home. Prince Qing remained silent by his side.

Xu Shichang's reprimand immediately boosted the morale of the Beiyang Army, while the Manchu officers and soldiers of the Vanguard Battalion were completely demoralized. As one of the captains who took off his clothes and left the palace told his colleagues, "This world no longer belongs to the Manchus. It's better this way. Let's all pray for our own good fortune from now on."

It is said that on this day, the vanguard soldiers leaving the palace either wailed loudly or secretly shed tears, their faces filled with sorrow. Passersby were quite surprised to see this and asked each other, "Has the Qing Dynasty fallen?"

The expulsion of the Vanguard Battalion from the palace caused a great stir both inside and outside the capital. Although many Manchus lived in the inner city, the most powerful Manchu settlements in Beijing were actually located outside the city walls. Among them, three were the most famous: the Three Outer Camps, the Firearms Camp, the Jianrui Camp, and the Yuanmingyuan Guard Camp. These three camps not only had a large number of able-bodied men, but also a considerable amount of weaponry and equipment.

Feng Guozhang was worried that these three places might cause trouble, so in addition to summoning the three Manchu commanders to explain the situation in the capital, he also sent troops to inventory and seal the armories of the three barracks. Although Empress Dowager Cixi gave these three outer camps many rewards every year, and every year when she passed by the outer three camps on her way to the Summer Palace by waterway, the Manchus in these camps would kneel down to express their gratitude.

However, when news from the capital reached the Outer Three Battalions, no one dared to raise an army to protect the Empress Dowager. The battalion commanders obediently handed over their armories, which, of course, mostly contained cold weapons and matchlock guns, far inferior to the rifles and cannons of the Beiyang Army. After receiving the inventory list, Feng Guozhang simply transported away the gunpowder and that was the end of it.

With the three outer battalions, armed with weapons, behaving themselves and not causing trouble, the Manchus in the capital became even more docile. Throughout August, the authority of the National Assembly grew stronger day by day. Initially, the telegram from the National Assembly announcing the abolition of the Grand Council and the establishment of the State Council did not receive much attention, but after the palace guards were rotated, many officials of the Grand Council went home to observe the situation.

The meeting at Fozhaolou on August 6th was likely the last state affairs meeting chaired by Empress Dowager Cixi. After the 6th, apart from Manchu nobles, Han Chinese officials no longer reported to Fozhaolou. Zhang Zhidong remained secluded, military affairs with Russia were controlled by Yuan Shikai and Wuhan, and local governors gained temporary autonomy. The central government of the Qing Dynasty suddenly ceased functioning, but this did not pose a significant obstacle to the local areas.

In a year marked by both natural disasters and military calamities, the fact that the central government's shutdown had virtually no impact on the local areas revealed one thing: the court had already lost its ability to allocate resources across the land and was essentially operating in a vacuum. Thus, the people of the land increasingly recognized the fact that the current court, aside from supporting the Manchus, had little to do. Resisting foreign enemies and combating natural disasters were now matters for the local governments themselves; the court simply had no power to intervene.

As a result, the status of Congress gradually rose. Before this, people didn't really understand the role of Congress. Even the international students who demanded that Congress be convened only thought of Congress as a place for the people to voice their opinions and make laws. They didn't really regard Congress as the source of power in the country.

However, after the Qing government's central authority collapsed, the authorization from the National Assembly became the legal basis for local governance, which also taught the Chinese people a lesson, letting them know what the National Assembly could actually do.

Of course, for Wuhan, after the Qing government collapsed, the parliament was no longer a useless institution. They needed to use it to dismantle the Qing dynasty's power structure and clear obstacles for Wuhan to further expand its local autonomy. For Wuhan at that time, directly overthrowing the Qing government wasn't impossible, but establishing a working-class-led regime afterward was very difficult. Therefore, retaining the Qing government for a period of time, allowing the working class to accumulate strength, was actually the best option.

This preservation of the Qing government did not mean retaining the reactionary Manchu autocracy, but rather that under the name of the Qing government, the Manchu autocracy should be overthrown first, and then a transition to a republican system should be initiated. During this stage, expanding local autonomy, curbing the power of the central government, and eliminating Manchu autocracy became the primary tasks.

As the representative of the Workers' Party in Beijing, Qin Lishan quickly grasped the essence of the task assigned to him by the Party. After forcing the Beiyang government to break with Empress Dowager Cixi, he did not focus too much on establishing a State Council. Rejecting the power of the Grand Council was already enough for Wuhan. As for whether the State Council could be established, it would actually be more beneficial to the Beiyang government and other local governors-general, because this conference would restrict Wuhan's option of using force to remove the local governors-general from their rule.

Therefore, he devoted most of his energy to two things. The first was to establish a Royal Task Force under the name of the Royal Affairs Committee, draw other members of parliament to participate in the task force, and urge the police department to investigate the Royal Case.

Initially, the Royal Cases consisted of two cases. The first was the case of the Vanguard Battalion obstructing parliamentary representatives from entering the palace to examine the emperor's health. This case was essentially a political one, intended to undermine the palace's prestige and also as a pretext for rotating palace guards. The second case was the case of Cui Yugui's murder of Consort Zhen. This was a case involving a political exchange with the emperor.

However, a third case soon emerged: the Imperial Household Department's accounting scandal. Although Zeng Chong wanted to resist the National Assembly's audit, his resistance became futile after the Beiyang Army entered the palace to relieve him. Wuhan did not send a large contingent of troops to Beijing, but Yuan Shikai had no choice but to accept that Wuhan would send a small armed force to protect his representative in Beijing.

Although the Beiyang system broke with Empress Dowager Cixi, the Beiyang Group was still essentially part of the Qing Dynasty's bureaucratic system, so connections between officials still existed. For example, Yuan Shikai would not investigate corruption cases in the Imperial Household Department, as this would make him too many enemies. After all, preventing Qing Dynasty officials from being corrupt was harder than making them eat excrement.

However, Wuhan was not afraid of offending people, so the Royal Commission quickly took over the power to handle the case. They not only obtained a special place to handle the case, but also drew personnel from the police department and the Beiyang Army, thus establishing an independent judicial trial institution inside and outside Beijing.

Once this independent agency was established, Qin Lishan immediately ordered the arrest of four ministers of the Imperial Household Department and placed their homes under surveillance. He then proceeded to arrest everyone below them, eventually rounding up all the key figures in the Imperial Household Department. Such a large-scale arrest would normally have caused a stir in the capital, but this time it was uneventful because no one dared to stand up for these individuals, and the Imperial Household Department's old connections had no way of reaching Wuhan.

The case involving the Imperial Household Department was just the beginning. It quickly led to a case involving the Imperial Kitchen. Xiao Dezhang, a favorite of Empress Dowager Cixi, was implicated in corruption within the Imperial Kitchen and tampered with the emperor's food, making him the fourth suspect. On August 22nd, Zhao Bingjun personally led a raid on the Taishengtang Restaurant, arresting Li Lianying, who was meeting with Russian diplomats. Also present at the banquet was Gao Yunxi, the abbot of Baiyun Temple. This was the fifth case – the Russian spy case.

Ronglu's uncle, Kuijun, and Manchu officials such as Takshna and Lianfang were all implicated in the Russian spy case. Most of them were also key figures in the Empress Dowager's faction. By the end of August, almost all of Cixi's confidants and Manchu supporters outside the palace had been caught in a sweep by the special investigation team, and the few who escaped also hurriedly fled the capital.

On August 29, a new gate was opened at Baoyue Tower, which Emperor Guangxu personally named Xinhua Gate.

Chapter 397 The Collapse of Imperial Power

The National Assembly was located in Anfu Hutong, which was not a good location. It was surrounded by Hui Muslim camps, dilapidated military barracks, and civilian residences. Although it was near the capital, the residents were not wealthy. It was clear from the fact that the court did not attach great importance to the National Assembly from the beginning, so it just found an empty place to set it up.

However, as the National Assembly successively granted oversight powers over royal projects, its status rose rapidly. In particular, after the opening of Xinhua Gate, Xu Shichang believed that its direct view of the Huihui Camp Mosque was bad for feng shui, and that the National Assembly also needed a dedicated place for deliberation. Therefore, under the pretext of renovating Fuqian Street (now West Chang'an Street), he began to demolish the Huihui Camp Mosque and surrounding residences to build the National Assembly Hall and its ancillary buildings.

After Yuan Shikai resigned from the Grand Council, Zhang Zhidong took leave to recuperate, and Manchu ministers such as Prince Qing were temporarily suspended from their posts due to various special cases, only Xu Shichang, Zhao Bingjun, and Zhu Qiqian remained in Beijing to take responsibility. This gave Xu Shichang the power to carry out major reforms in Beijing.

Although Beijing had undergone some changes previously, these changes only served the interests of foreigners and a small group within the palace. Therefore, outside of the foreign-controlled Legation Quarter, the overall structure of Beijing remained fundamentally unchanged. Now that the Manchu conservative forces, represented by Empress Dowager Cixi, had almost lost power, Xu Shichang, without a powerful figure in charge, attempted to renovate the entire city of Beijing in the same way as the Legation Quarter had been renovated.

Zhu Qiqian was a major supporter of this idea. At that time, the police had assumed almost all the functions of urban management. However, the privileges of the feudal dynasty prevented the police from exercising their management functions. They could only ask ordinary people to abide by the various regulations of urban management. Not to mention Manchu nobles such as princes and nobles, even minor officials with official positions could not be restrained by the police.

In the past, the officials in charge of managing the appearance of Beijing were very prestigious censors. They were directly responsible to the emperor, meaning they were close advisors who could see the emperor. They were not ordinary officials. If they were promoted and sent to other places, they would at least be high-ranking local officials at the level of circuit intendant or above. Being sent to the circuit intendant was considered a disservice.

However, such noble officials would obviously not cause trouble for imperial relatives over trivial matters, unless the emperor wanted to reprimand someone, or there was a murder or a scandalous rumor. Otherwise, they wouldn't want to make things difficult for themselves. For example, no imperial censor would bother a colleague or prince or minister over littering or driving in the wrong direction.

However, for the police, the only things they have to manage are these trivial matters, but their status is very low. In the eyes of officials, they are not even ordinary clerks, but just a bunch of "stinky-footed patrolmen". High-ranking officials can even ask the police department to send patrolmen to guard their homes and then use them as servants.

During Shanqi's tenure as the head of the police patrol bureau, his wife violated traffic rules. Xu Shiying ordered her to pay a fine of ten taels of silver. Because Shanqi paid the fine, he was praised as a "good person" by the people of Beijing. This illustrates the low status of the police. The Manchus established the rules, and it was considered a crime for the police to apply these rules to Manchus. The criminals, by not pursuing the offense against the police, became "good people."

But now that the Manchu privileges represented by Empress Dowager Cixi have been overthrown, Xu Shichang, who was in charge of the police department, could finally unleash his power to promote his political ideals. Transforming Beijing and aligning its urban development with that of the Legation Quarter became Xu Shichang's first priority.

The significance of renovating Fuqian Street lies not only in urban construction but also in reshaping the center of power in Beijing. In the past, the center of power in Beijing was in Xiyuan, where the Empress Dowager lived. Now, the center of power in Beijing has shifted from Xiyuan to the National Assembly outside the palace. The purpose of opening up Baoyue Tower was not to allow the emperor's voice to enter the National Assembly, but to allow the National Assembly to better monitor the movements in the palace.

For the Beiyang government, Beijing, as the center of power in China, was irreplaceable. If the center of power shifted from Beijing to Wuhan or elsewhere, it would mean that the Beiyang government would lose its ability to control the central government. Therefore, after overthrowing the Empress Dowager Cixi's faction and the Grand Council, which represented Manchu autocracy, establishing a new center of power became extremely important.

Qin Lishan, acting in the name of the National Assembly, handled a series of major cases against the Empress Dowager Cixi, breaking the old Qing Dynasty power center. This was in the interest of the Beiyang government. However, the Beiyang government could not tolerate Wuhan taking control of the National Assembly. Of course, neither the Beiyang government nor Wuhan had any intention of vying for the power to handle cases; that would be far too offensive.

Therefore, the Beiyang government could only compete with Wuhan for control of the National Assembly in two ways: first, by controlling Beijing, and second, by uniting with the old forces that were opposed by Wuhan.

The best way to control Beijing is to redevelop the city. Urban redevelopment will disrupt the original residential structure, changing the neighborhoods and making it impossible for the lower classes to stick together. Moreover, urban redevelopment will free up a large area of ​​land, providing common interests for the newly rich, thus further uniting the Beiyang clique that helped them amass wealth.

Therefore, Xu Shichang wanted to demolish more than just Fuqian Street. In his view, the city walls in front of Tiananmen Square that separated the east and west, as well as the city walls of Beijing, all had to be demolished one by one. Only by demolishing these city walls could the city be connected by transportation facilities, and the old pattern of each of the Eight Banners controlling a part of the city would be broken.

While Xu Shichang was undertaking large-scale construction projects, the Royal Affairs Committee officially pointed its various investigations at the real mastermind behind the scenes—Empress Dowager Cixi. On September 1, the special court established by the Royal Affairs Committee issued summonses to Empress Dowager Cixi and Emperor Guangxu, requiring them to appear in court at 1 p.m. on September 3 to testify in the preliminary trial of the case of Cui Yugui's murder of Consort Zhen.

On that very day, Qin Lishan condemned the Russian spy case to reporters in the compound of the National Assembly, saying, "...When I heard the news brought by Vice Minister Zhao, I could hardly believe my ears."

Our soldiers are still fighting valiantly against the Russian invaders on the front lines, but a segment of the country's upper echelons has already attempted to collude with the Russians against those patriots who defend the nation. What crime have they committed? Just because they defended China and not the Manchus, do they deserve to die?

The Labor Party cannot turn a blind eye to this. For these traitors to the country, enemies of the people, I cannot think of any reason for the people to forgive them other than the death penalty. Today, China is divided into two parts: the people and the people's enemies. The people must unite and send our enemies to the gallows so that we can make this country the people's homeland…”

Qin Lishan's menacing words made the members of parliament behind him change color, and the reporters were also very excited. Someone immediately asked him: "Then is the Empress Dowager involved in the espionage case? If the Empress Dowager is also involved, how should the National Assembly deal with her? As the most honored Empress Dowager of the Qing Dynasty, does the National Assembly have the power to punish the Empress Dowager?"

Looking at the reporters in front of him, Qin Lishan said without thinking, "The most noble? Could she be more noble than Abahai, the Grand Consort during the time of the Four Great Beile? According to the ancestral system of the Manchus, she should have gone to the underworld with Emperor Wenzong decades ago."

These traitors constantly invoke the ancestral rules of the Manchus, yet they never implement those rules that are detrimental to themselves. In their eyes, the ancestral rules are merely weapons to attack political enemies, not true, inviolable divine laws.

Since the traitors use ancestral rules or some other sacred and inviolable lie to deceive the people, then the people have the right to deny the power they have stolen through fabricated lies. The people do not recognize any privileges or honors of the traitors, and the people's judgment will be just; I have no doubt about this…”

After Qin Lishan's speech on behalf of the Workers' Party and the Imperial Affairs Committee was published in the newspapers, it immediately shocked the capital. Even Zhang Zhidong, Yuan Shikai, and foreign ministers could not sit still and inquired with Qin Lishan and the Workers' Party in various ways, wanting to know whether the Workers' Party planned to start a civil war at this time.

Their common demand was that Empress Dowager Cixi should not die in an dishonorable manner. Zhang Zhidong, Yuan Shikai, and the foreign ministers were basically in agreement on this issue. They could not stop the Workers' Party from attacking the Empress Dowager's faction, but the Empress Dowager herself could not be overthrown, because that would completely sever the ties between China and foreign countries.

During the years of Empress Dowager Cixi's reign, especially in the seven or eight years following the First Sino-Japanese War, the Qing government she represented signed numerous treaties with various countries. Now, if the Workers' Party were to completely overthrow Cixi, what would happen to these treaties? The foreign powers believed that this was the beginning of the new government's attempt to break the treaties. Zhang Zhidong and Yuan Shikai also believed that if the new government wanted to gain the continued support of the foreign powers, it had to maintain a smooth transition of power. If Cixi were to be completely overthrown, a smooth transition of power would obviously not be possible.

Qin Lishan, representing the Workers' Party, could only assure Zhang Zhidong and Yuan Shikai that they had no intention of executing Empress Dowager Cixi, but that correcting the mistakes of Cixi's rule was inevitable. Regarding foreign ministers, the Workers' Party argued that this was China's internal affair, and foreign countries had no right to interfere. Furthermore, the Workers' Party, in the name of the National Assembly, issued an order to expel all Russian diplomats and military personnel in China, citing their alleged espionage activities within Chinese territory.

Regarding the ultimatum to expel Russia issued by the Workers' Party in the name of the National Assembly, the foreign ministers believed that the Russian government's assets and leased territories in China should be taken over by the diplomatic corps first, and their disposal should be discussed after the war. The Beiyang government and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs chose to remain silent in the face of pressure from the diplomatic corps, but this did not gain the approval of the Workers' Party.

Instead, the Workers' Party published an article in the newspaper declaring, "After our country reclaims the privileges of houses and other leased territories in China that were stolen by the Russian government, these buildings and leased territories belong to China. Any country or force that attempts to seize these things is declaring war on China. The Chinese people will never surrender to aggressors."

The Labor Party's hardline stance made diplomacy with China increasingly difficult for foreign ministers. Meanwhile, on September 3rd, the trial of Cui Yugui began, with Emperor Guangxu personally present, while Empress Dowager Cixi did not. However, this trial shattered the mystique of imperial power, as Guangxu personally testified about how Cui Yugui threw Consort Zhen into the well and recounted how Cixi issued the order.

During this trial, the sanctity of imperial power vanished, for the spectators heard only a sordid murder. The so-called Empress Dowager Cixi was transformed into a ruthless and vicious old woman, and Emperor Guangxu lost all imperial authority, appearing merely as a young man at the mercy of palace eunuchs. How could such a person rule this vast empire?

Chapter 398 A New Look for the Capital

Li Lianying's collusion with Russia was also made public on September 6. Li Lianying and Pukodi's acquaintance did not begin with this, but rather they had known each other for a long time. Although Li Hongzhang was the signatory of the Sino-Russian secret treaty, the actual negotiators were Li Lianying and Pukodi, and the mastermind behind the Sino-Russian secret treaty was Count Witte of Russia, while Empress Dowager Cixi was the one who was persuaded.

Li Lianying met with Pu Kedi at the Taishengtang Restaurant through Gao Yunxi to negotiate peace between the two countries and to ask Russia to lend troops to suppress the bandits, who were referring to Wuhan.

Although Li Lianying himself vehemently denied all of this, Gao Yunxi, the abbot of Baiyun Temple, immediately confessed his actions after being arrested and revealed all the inside information. Li Lianying himself was not a politician and knew nothing about Sino-Russian diplomacy, so he often consulted Gao Yunxi, who had closer ties with the Russians. As a result, Gao Yunxi was very knowledgeable about these matters.

This case accelerated the purge of palace staff. The National Assembly had already obtained the power to reduce palace expenses. The unclear accounts of the Imperial Household Department, the abuse of the emperor's food by Xiao Dezhang's control of the Imperial Kitchen, and Li Lianying's collusion with Russia led the National Assembly to decide to reduce the palace staff by 70% at once and announce that no more eunuchs would be recruited in the palace in the future. "This move is against humanity. These people have no human heart."

For the Emperor's personal safety, the National Assembly announced that the Emperor would temporarily move out of the palace to reorganize the personnel within the palace before returning. It was also decided that Yingtai (the Imperial Palace) would be renovated to suit the Emperor's residence. At the same time, the National Assembly abolished the Imperial Household Department, placing all palace affairs under the management of the Imperial Household Council.

The deficits caused by the Imperial Household Department were to be repaid by current and former officials of the department. The properties of the eight most prominent families in the capital were almost entirely confiscated. In addition, the Manchu and Han officials implicated in the Russian spy case were also targeted. Almost all the prestigious mansions in the capital were wiped out, except for those officials who had defected to the Beiyang government.

Li Lianying, Kui Jun, Takshna, Gao Yunxi, and others were all sentenced to death, and their property and Taoist temples were confiscated. A large number of Manchu nobles were expelled from the capital and exiled to Hainan Island, Xinjiang, and other places. These two cases alone implicated more than 300 officials, and the confiscated property amounted to tens of millions of taels of silver. Although most of it consisted of real estate and antiques, cash and gold and silver jewelry also exceeded 1000 million taels of silver.

People in the capital were saying, "The grand gates of the capital are now empty." Although Prince Qing was not punished, under the mediation of Xu Shichang, he handed over half of his mansion for Emperor Guangxu to live in and was placed under house arrest at home.

Such a huge change in Beijing was a major headache for diplomats from various countries. They did not want drastic changes in China, as this would inevitably lead to changes in China's foreign relations. The Taiping Rebellion and the Boxer Rebellion both proved this point.

The fact that Congress sent them a notice requesting the takeover of the Russian embassy and barracks in Beijing undoubtedly demonstrates that this new center of Chinese power is attempting to change the old foreign relations.

Russian diplomats naturally opposed the expulsion order issued by the Chinese parliament, as well as China's confiscation of Russian government property and leased territories in China. Therefore, the Russian minister advocated for the application of the principle of unity among the great powers to prohibit Chinese troops from entering the embassy district.

Regarding the proposal put forward by the Russian minister, the Japanese minister believed he could partially agree, namely, to prohibit Chinese troops from entering the embassy district, but to support the Chinese government's expulsion of Russians. The Japanese minister's position reflected two aspects: firstly, a wariness of a peace treaty between China and Russia; and secondly, a belief that China should not disrupt the existing international order.

The German minister fully supported the Russian minister's position and demanded that the British minister take responsibility. Regardless of how Germany challenged Britain's prestige on the European continent, in the Far East, British diplomats were indeed the leaders of the diplomatic officials of the major powers. Without the approval of British diplomats, diplomatic activities of various countries in the Far East would encounter all sorts of obstacles, and the only convergence point for diplomacy among the Far East nations was Beijing.

Compared to other regions in the Far East, only China was neither completely independent nor completely colonized, making it a battleground for various countries vying for interests. Other regions were not subject to such competition. Or rather, even if there were conflicts, they were merely issues between a few major powers, not encompassing the contradictions of all major powers.

Therefore, while Europe is the center of the world, the Far East issue is essentially a China issue. Without China, there are no international issues in the Far East worth considering. Even if India is causing a great disturbance now, it's still a British problem. Other countries can't even access the Indian Ocean, so what international issues are they talking about?

The French minister was only willing to express sympathy for the Russian minister, but refused to engage in any real conflict with the Chinese. He stated at the meeting: "Chinese national consciousness has risen due to their victories in foreign wars. Under such circumstances, to make unreasonable rebuttals to the reasonable demands of the Chinese would necessitate preparations for war. Our country is unwilling to start a war in the Far East on such grounds..."

Sadao clearly understood that the Germans supported the Russians because they wanted a complete breakdown in relations between Britain and China. In the past, Britain would not have been afraid of this issue, as any country that challenged the British Empire would only bring shame upon itself.

But now, with Germany constantly challenging European hegemony, who would focus their efforts on the Far East? Dealing with China wouldn't be difficult for the British Empire, but if it allowed Germany to establish European hegemony as a result, it would be a net loss. To overthrow Napoleon's French Empire, the British Empire even relinquished the thirteen North American colonies; would they really allow Germany to become a European empire for the sake of China's interests?

On the issue of China, the major powers with their own opinions are only Britain, France, Russia, Germany, the United States, and Japan. Other countries are merely bystanders. In the past, the major powers were able to reach a consensus on China because there were not many internal disagreements among these six powers, and colonization of China was a common interest for them. However, now, the six major powers have at least seven or eight different ideas, and even Russia has not placed its interests in China above its other interests.

Opinions within Russia regarding this Far Eastern war were completely divided. Initially, most Russians were not concerned about the war at all, because, according to some Russian imperialists, it was a risk-free Far Eastern expedition; they would bring Manchuria into the Russian Empire, just as they had discovered the mouth of the Amur River. They believed the Russian army would replicate its occupation of Beijing in 1900, and the war would end in a month or two.

Therefore, the Russian public paid less attention to the war itself than to their persecution of Jews at home. However, as the war dragged on and the Russian army suffered defeats, the Russian public began to focus their attention on the war. But their focus wasn't on how many Chinese had killed them; rather, they were concerned with why they had been defeated by the cowardly Chinese.

The encirclement and annihilation of an entire front of the Russian Western Route Army further fueled the anger of the Russian people, and the Russian proletariat began to call the war an unjust one. European newspapers described the Russian defeat as follows: "...the spirit of the mighty empire is crumbling, the prestige of the young race, which has not yet had time to fully demonstrate itself, is waning. The entire political system has been condemned, a series of ambitions have been shattered...an irreparable defeat has brought the Old World its first humiliation, defeated by a giant that had once slumbered, and now the giant is trying to awaken..."

The Japanese surprise attack on Port Arthur partially salvaged the prestige of the Tsarist army; this time, it appeared before the Russian people not as a defeated party but as a victim. Criticism of the Far East war within Russia began to diminish, while calls for retaliation against Japan grew louder.

However, this patriotic sentiment was unreliable. If the Russian army failed to achieve victory in the Far East, the patriots' anger would first be directed at the traitors who had caused the Russian army's defeat. The Tsarist government was no longer fighting for the interests of the Far East, but for its own survival.

Given this domestic situation, Russian diplomats in China were eager to reach a peace agreement with China so they could focus on dealing with Japan. This is why Pukody attempted to contact Li Lianying for secret peace talks. If Russia were truly capable of winning on the battlefield, why would the Russians even consider discussing peace with the Chinese?

Even the Russians, who launched the war against China, did not have a real desire to break ties with the Chinese. Apart from Japan, other countries were naturally unlikely to actually engage in a real conflict with the Chinese for the sake of a so-called principle of unity among the great powers. This would not benefit them, or rather, the cost would far outweigh the benefits.

As for Japan, it truly regards upholding the existing international order as an inviolable law, believing that any price to be paid is justified. Furthermore, Japanese diplomats hold the view that Japan's rise to power was entirely in accordance with international law, and that it paid a heavy price; how could China bypass international law to pursue its own independent status? This dissatisfaction of a progressive student towards a lagging student makes it difficult for the Japanese to sympathize with the Chinese for breaking the rules.

Satow advocated for unity among the great powers in principle, as Britain was the biggest beneficiary of such unity. However, he could not confront China by force because the British Empire's focus was now in Europe, not the Far East. In order to withdraw the British Empire's power back to Europe, London was even prepared to compromise with the Indians. At this point, it was even more impossible to use force in the Far East.

Therefore, at the meeting of the legation, Sadao agreed to negotiate with the Chinese government on the principle of unity among the great powers, but refused to include any words that were too provocative to the Chinese in the ultimatum. He also advocated that the legation should take over and seal off the Russian embassy and barracks in Beijing, rather than allow the legation to control them.

However, the diplomatic mission's diplomatic dispatches were not recognized by the National Assembly. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs was established after the Boxer Protocol. After Li Hongzhang's death, Manchu nobles were in charge of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, but in reality, they acted according to the instructions of the diplomatic mission. Prince Qing and Grand Secretaries Natong and Qu Hongji were in charge of the work of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

With the fall of the Later Party, Prince Qing and Na Tong were dismissed and investigated, and Qu Hongji voluntarily resigned and left Beijing. As a result, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was taken over by the National Assembly. Qin Lishan's attitude towards the ultimatum from the diplomatic corps was clear: if they could not accept it through diplomacy, they would use force. Yuan Shikai and Xu Shichang dared not use the Beiyang Army to do so, so Qin Lishan directly telegraphed Cai E to send a battalion of soldiers to Beijing to take over the Russian legation and barracks.

Chapter 399 The Battle of Dongjiaomin Lane (Part 1)

It wasn't until news of the Wuhan army storming the legation quarter arrived that Yuan Shikai truly believed Wuhan genuinely wanted to reclaim the Russian embassy and barracks. Previously, he had always thought Wuhan was bluffing, trying to force the Beiyang government into conflict with other countries so he could reap the benefits.