Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 72

Although Chen Kuilong advocated for the training of a new army, he was uninterested in other aspects of the new policies. He opposed abolishing the imperial examination system and using overseas students as a reserve force for court officials, believing this to be the beginning of the destruction of the nation's moral order. Because of this mindset, he deeply resented the mutiny in Hubei.

Shortly after Ma Yukun's Yi Army arrived in Henan, he began urging them to move south to quell the rebellion. After crossing the Yellow River, the railway to Hankou was completed, making southward movement convenient. However, Ma Yukun, upon arriving in Henan, also wanted to observe the situation. He did not advocate using force to resolve the Hubei rebellion. He had spoken with Yuan Shikai before leaving Beijing, and both considered the Russian actions suspicious, believing that transferring northern troops to the south might provoke further Russian adventures.

After the Battle of Tianjin, Ma Yukun realized the vast difference between the new and old armies. A modern army was not simply one equipped with new rifles and cannons. The weapons and cannons used by the Eight-Nation Alliance were not even necessarily better than those of the Wuwei Army, yet the Wuwei Army collapsed almost immediately under the attack of the Eight-Nation Alliance, performing worse than the Boxers.

From this perspective, Yuan Shikai's decision to disobey the imperial court's orders and wage war against the Allied Forces was actually quite wise. Although the imperial court replenished the Yi Army after the war, expanding it to 20 battalions, almost equal to the strength of the two Beiyang Army divisions, Ma Yukun was well aware that the combat capabilities of the two sides were vastly different.

The imperial court attempted to use the Yi Army to contain the Beiyang Army, but the Yi Army, which was organized according to the old military system, did not actually have such capabilities. However, Ma Yukun lacked the ambition to learn from Yuan Shikai and replace the old officers with new ones. After all, his brothers had followed him for so many years, and he couldn't bear to just leave them aside. Moreover, he was almost seventy years old and didn't have the energy to reorganize the troops.

Faced with the rising Beiyang Army, Ma Yukun couldn't help but privately tell his confidants that whether the Qing Dynasty could survive in the future depended on whether the Beiyang Army would still obey the court. The Hubei New Army was formed around the same time as the Beiyang Army. Although the combat strength of the two new armies was still unknown, given the Hubei New Army's achievements in Tibet, who could underestimate this army?

Although the Yi Army recruited soldiers from Anhui, they were paid by the Henan military. Ma Yukun could not refuse Chen Kuilong's request and had to head south without stopping. In Xinyang, after discussing with his troops, he decided to have Sun Wanlin, the general of Nanyang Town, make a show of force and attack Xiangyang, while he himself led the 12th Battalion of the Yi Army and the 6th Battalion of the Henan New Army to sneak over the Dabie Mountains.

On December 23, with the help of Zhang Biao and Zhong Lintong, Song Xiquan's company of the Hubei New Army stationed at Jiuliguan surrendered to the enemy. Jiuliguan, also known as Huangxianguan, Guangxianguan, Baiyanguan, and together with Pingjingguan and Wushengguan, is known as the Three Passes of Xinyang. It is a strategic pass in Jingxiang, with two mountains flanking it, forming a natural canyon. Beyond this pass are Xiaogan, Huangpi and Huang'an.

If they could capture Wusheng Pass and Yingshan County to the west, the Henan army could then move south by train without any obstruction. After receiving the news on the evening of the 23rd, the Wuhan Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee immediately convened an emergency meeting.

After hearing the news, some committee members believed that Song Xiquan's defection to the enemy and the fact that some local gentry passed on messages to Zhang Biao and Zhong Lintong were inseparable from the committee's promotion of overly radical policies. Under the current circumstances, it was still best to appease the gentry and officers in order to avoid the recurrence of wavering sentiments in the military and local areas.

However, Tang Caichang vehemently objected, saying, "Does this mean that if we compromise with the gentry and military officers, they won't betray us? These are nothing but opportunists. They side with us when they see our power, and turn to the court when they see its large army. I believe that Song Xiquan's betrayal and the local gentry's siding with the court have nothing to do with our policies."

If there's any connection at all, it's that they never intended to stand with anyone; they were only concerned with their own interests. Constantly changing policies will only make even our supporters doubt us. I oppose any policy revisions; what we need now is a victory. Just one victory will dispel these so-called wavering sentiments.

However, some committee members expressed their doubts: "The intelligence from the front lines indicates that General Ma Yukun is heading south. He is a veteran general who has fought countless battles. Can we really defeat him? Now the British have rejected our ultimatum and even sent a telegram ordering warships to come and protect our citizens. We are truly facing enemies on two fronts now."

At this moment, Tian Junyi suddenly shouted, "It's time to abandon illusions and fully engage in war. Before, we were trying to balance construction with dealing with the court, which is why we were so constrained. Now that the British have rejected our demands, I think it's a good thing. We can order Li Yuanhong to block the Yangtze River waterway."

Furthermore, we need to establish a planning committee to register all the material reserves in the entire Wuhan area and then implement wartime control. Apart from the necessary rations for each individual, all resources must be supplied to factories and the army to ensure that the army can continue fighting.

Furthermore, we must establish a committee to purge reactionary elements, resolutely suppress those who sabotage the revolution, and confiscate their property. From now on, we will impose military control over the Wuhan area. If the great powers attack us, we will follow the example of the British during the Boer War, imprisoning all unfriendly foreign personnel in concentration camps and disarming them until the end of the war.”

This was not the first time Tian Junyi had made such a request; he had already put forward this proposition when he sent a liaison letter to the consuls in Hankou. However, at that time, the committee members felt that things had not yet reached such a desperate point, and therefore opposed Tian Junyi's proposal. Even sending the liaison letter to the consuls in Hankou was only reluctantly agreed to because Tian Junyi had already obtained the support of the congress.

Faced with Tian Junyi's repeated demand, the committee members fell silent. Their resolve had wavered; they saw no possibility of compromise with the foreign powers. At this moment, Tang Caichang raised his hand and said, "I support Tian Junyi's proposal. There's no time to consider anymore. If we don't allocate all resources to the army, are we just waiting for the imperial army to march into Wuhan and behead us?"

Qin Lishan hesitated for a moment before raising his hand, and the other committee members, after some hesitation, also raised their hands one after another. The meeting quickly approved Tian Junyi's proposal and decided to send Sun Wu north to support Xiaogan and Yingshan, ordering Li Yuanhong to lay mines in the Tianjia Town area, officially blocking the Yangtze River waterway on the 25th.

Chapter 250 The First Victim

December to April is the dry season for the Yangtze River. During this period, the water level in the Wuhan section of the Yangtze River will drop to below 14 meters. Therefore, warships from various countries will return to Shanghai for maintenance and allow their officers and soldiers to take leave. After all, apart from Shanghai, there is not much entertainment in other towns along the Yangtze River, even if there are concessions.

Hankou only began to develop after 1901. This development refers to the population of the concessions, not the scale of trade in Hankou. However, the scale of trade in Hankou did indeed grow rapidly after 1901, not only because the Boxer Protocol granted foreign merchants more preferential treatment, but also because of the rise in the price of gold.

In 1900, one pound sterling could be exchanged for about seven silver dollars. By 1904, one pound sterling could be exchanged for eight or nine silver dollars. The silver dollars mentioned here refer to the imitation Guangdong silver dollars first minted by Zhang Zhidong, which weighed 7 mace and 2 candareens and contained 6 mace and 4 candareens and 8 li of pure silver. However, the face value was still too high for ordinary people, hence the saying that one silver dollar was larger than a mat.

The Economic Commission needed to conduct trade with Germany and required a more stable currency for settlement. Therefore, it issued the Hankou Yuan, valued at 0.2037 marks. Theoretically, it should have been one-tenth of a silver dollar. However, as the price of gold rose, the Hankou Yuan also appreciated. The Economic Commission also benefited from the rise in gold prices, as it stipulated that all trade in Hankou must be settled in the Hankou Yuan, with payments made in silver, gold, or foreign currency.

From the British perspective, the Economic Commission had essentially challenged the hegemony of the pound sterling, because the Commission primarily held reserves of the German mark rather than the pound sterling. This was a major reason why British diplomats in China favored the Qing government; they could not tolerate China's economic ties to the German mark, as this would further enhance the German mark's credibility in the world.

Conversely, this was also the main reason why German bankers and industry opposed intervention in the Chinese Civil War. The military actions of the Qing government, supported by the British, were essentially aimed at attacking German interests in China. Compared to Hubei, the interests in the Shandong Jiaozhou leased territory were insignificant. This was because Germany's interests in Shandong required a large investment in infrastructure to gain any benefit, and these interests could be easily cut off by the British. However, in Hubei, German capital could flow quickly, and the Chinese would handle the infrastructure themselves.

The Yangtze River Combined Fleet was quickly formed in Shanghai and set sail for Wuhan. The British sent six gunboats: HMS Comos, HMS Gold Sands, HMS Cardinal, HMS Fairy, HMS Forest Lark, and HMS Sandpiper; the Russians sent HMS Manguel; the French sent HMS Ori and HMS Gonzalo; the Americans sent HMS Callao and HMS Elcano; the Japanese sent HMS Uji and HMS Sumida; and the Germans stood by.

Captain McKindy of the USS Comos was appointed commander of the combined fleet and arrived in Jiujiang on the morning of the 24th. At this time, the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee had already issued an ultimatum to the consuls of various countries in Hankou, stating that in view of the urgency of the situation, the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee would begin military exercises on the river in the Banbishan and Tianjiazhen area that day, and all military and merchant ships were prohibited from passing through this area.

The notice was sent not only to Wuhan and Huangshi, but also to Jiujiang and Anqing. Since there were few ships sailing on the Yangtze River in winter, the notice did not cause much of a stir. However, after receiving the news in Jiujiang, McKindy, although unsure whether the Chinese would dare attack the Combined Fleet there, still dispatched the HMS Forest Lark, HMS Sandpiper, and the Uji and Sumida as advance support fleets to investigate.

Until 1904, apart from Japan and Germany, which had specially designed Yangtze River gunboats, no other country had specially designed Yangtze River gunboats. The British ships HMS Forest Lark and HMS Sandpiper were more like floating police stations on the Yangtze River than gunboats, as the two ships were only 150 tons in displacement and had a crew of 25. They were enough to catch river pirates, but they were impossible to engage in combat with the army.

British shallow-draft gunboats were typically equipped with six 4-inch rapid-fire guns with a range of up to 7000 meters, which was powerful enough. However, because they were not designed specifically for rivers, they had a deep draft and were not very maneuverable.

In contrast, Japan, a newly joined power, specifically copied the British 620-ton Uji river gunboat and designed the 126-ton Sumida in order to gain an advantage on the Yangtze River. The latter had a draft of only 0.61 meters and was specifically designed to enter the Sichuan section of the Yangtze River.

Lieutenant Commander Hideo Hotta, captain of the Uji, became the commander of the fleet. Unlike the British, who designated the rank of lieutenant for captains of these small gunboats, the Japanese appointed lieutenant commanders for all Yangtze River gunboats to facilitate their negotiations with local Chinese officials. This actually caused the British a lot of trouble, as they were forced to have a lieutenant command a major, which was considered quite irregular by the British.

Hideo Hotta was honored to accept the mission. Commanding the Royal Navy was clearly more enjoyable than commanding his own country's warships, even though it was just two patrol boats. Lieutenant Commander Hotta demonstrated his professionalism by keeping his flagship in the main channel and, in a show of courage, having three small gunboats follow behind him instead of scouting ahead.

As a result, the Uji successfully ran into a mine that Li Yuanhong had placed in the main channel. Although the Wuhan Workers, Peasants and Soldiers Committee ordered Li Yuanhong to block the river, Li Yuanhong believed that blocking the Yangtze River channel was only a last resort. The Yangtze River would eventually be reopened to navigation, otherwise what would happen to the transportation industry upstream and downstream?

Therefore, he slightly modified the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee's order, only placing mines in the main channel and targeting only deep-draft warships to prevent civilian vessels from accidentally entering and causing a catastrophic incident. Hotta Hideo never dreamed that the Chinese would use mines to blockade the Yangtze River; he had always assumed the Chinese would establish artillery positions on both banks, but they might not dare to fire on him.

The anchor mines designed with the help of the Germans were quite powerful; one of them smashed the Uji in two. In fact, Li Yuanhong only had five mines laid in total because of time constraints. However, Li Yuanhong was a naval officer, and the mines were laid in excellent positions. The Uji was hit by the first mine.

Seeing the warship sinking rapidly in two sections on the river, the artillery commander, who was lying in ambush on the hilltop of Tianjia Town, even came to ask Li Yuanhong if he should fire away the small gunboat that was rescuing the drowning crew. Li Yuanhong refused, saying, "We just want them to back down, not actually start a war with them. Luckily, it was a Japanese warship that was sunk, otherwise it would have been really troublesome. Ignore them. As long as they don't advance, let them rescue their people and leave. Send a telegram to Hankou saying that the Japanese warship Uji has struck a mine and sunk..."

Of the 80 crew members of the Uji, about 50 or 60 were rescued. Horita Hideo was killed in action. Upon hearing the news, the commander of the Southern Qing Fleet, Taketomi Kunimitsu, was greatly shocked. He immediately ordered the Yaeyama to Hankou to carry out retaliatory operations against the Chinese. However, the British were quite critical of Horita Hideo's actions, as they had tasked him with scouting ahead for the fleet, including mines; Horita Hideo's behavior was far from that of a professional naval officer.

Regardless, it was impossible for the fleet stationed in Jiujiang to advance further. McKindy telegraphed the British Consul General in Hankou, stating, "There are numerous Chinese troops defending the area above Fuchikou. We cannot fight the Chinese army while clearing mines under these circumstances. Therefore, we must wait until the Qing army arrives and occupies Tianjia Town and Banbishan before sending personnel to clear the mines..."

Upon receiving the news, the British Consul General in Hankou immediately convened a meeting of consuls from various countries and then issued a war warning to the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee in the name of the consular corps. This time, the German consul had no choice but to support the British approach, because laying mines in the Yangtze River was indeed too vicious, even though the mine technology was provided by Germany.

In response to the consular corps' war warnings and ultimatums, Tian Junyi suggested a public countermeasure in the newspapers. He argued that after the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee had already notified merchants and civilians of various countries of the military exercises, the imperialists of those countries were still forcing their own proletariat to forcibly enter the military exercise area. This was clearly creating a pretext for war, rather than a so-called peaceful action to protect overseas Chinese.

After hearing the news that the Uji had been sunk, the committee members no longer expected the great powers to let the matter rest. Since that was the case, why should they show weakness verbally? Those who were worried could no longer speak, because the citizens of Hankou were celebrating the sinking of the Uji. This was the first time since the First Sino-Japanese War that China had sunk a Japanese warship. How could they not celebrate?

In addition to his rebuttal in the newspapers, Tian Junyi also put forward new proposals: "Since the great powers' fleets ignored our warnings and attacked our exercise grounds, it means that war between the two sides is inevitable. I propose confiscating all offensive weapons except pistols in the concessions, and establishing a foreign settlement in Hankou to temporarily house Russians and foreigners who refuse to relinquish their arms..."

Around 5 p.m. on the 24th, the consuls in Hankou received letters from the Workers, Peasants and Soldiers Committee, which, in addition to responding to the ultimatum issued by the consular corps, also sent separate letters to the consuls of various countries.

The Russian and Japanese consuls were the most furious about the letters they received. The Russian consul received an expulsion order that he must leave Hubei within 24 hours. After 24 hours, China and Russia would automatically enter a state of war, his diplomatic status would be invalid, and the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee would conduct centralized resettlement of enemy people in accordance with the usual practices of the Boer War.

In the letter in the hands of the Japanese consul, the Workers, Peasants and Soldiers Committee began by expressing sympathy and condolences to the unfortunate officers and soldiers on the Uji. However, it quickly began to accuse the unfortunate incident of being caused entirely by the adventurous actions of Japanese imperialists. The Workers, Peasants and Soldiers Committee condemned Japan's imperialist tendencies and demanded compensation from the Japanese consul, including the value of the damage caused by the mines and the value of cleaning up the wreckage of the Uji.

After calming the angry diplomats, British Consul General Flint said calmly, "This is indeed a new riot. This so-called mob has attacked our warships and is now trying to humiliate us. I believe we must not surrender any weapons. We must unite, just like the diplomatic mission in Beijing in 1900, and hold out here until reinforcements arrive."

The consuls of Russia, Japan, France, and the United States all responded positively to the British Consul General, but the German consul remained silent. Fu Leisi looked at the German and asked, "Does Germany still intend to remain neutral?"

After a moment's thought, the German consul said, "I hope everyone can calm down a bit. I think it's best not to confront the committee directly. The Hanyang Arsenal can manufacture 100 artillery pieces a year, although most are 76mm cannons, they can now also produce 105mm cannons. As far as I know, they currently have at least 10 artillery battalions, one of which is equipped with 105mm cannons..."

Chapter 251 The Second Victim

The consuls from various countries fell silent. The powers did not have many troops stationed in Hankou. Although Germany and Japan had been expanding their businesses in Hankou in recent years, the Germans did not want other countries to interfere in the development of Wuhan, so they had always opposed increasing the number of troops stationed in the Hankou concession.

The Germans were well aware that if they increased their troop presence in Hankou, other countries would also have the right to increase their troop presence there, ultimately leading to a situation where everyone would benefit. This was, of course, a scenario the Germans did not want to see.

The British pressure on Germany this time was precisely to break Germany's monopoly on interests in Wuhan, using force to disrupt the situation. However, British armed forces have not yet arrived in Hankou. Currently, among the five foreign concessions in Hankou, there is also a Belgian concession that exists in reality but not on paper.

After the Belgians obtained the construction rights for the Luhan Railway, they purchased 600 mu (approximately 40 hectares) of land near Liujiamiao, close to the Japanese concession, through compradors. They then demanded that this area be designated as part of the Belgian concession, citing the need to build a living quarters for the railway construction workers. Although Zhang Zhidong repeatedly refused, the Belgians, with French support, persisted in their demands. Although the Economic Commission, with the help of Germany, forced the Belgians to relinquish the construction rights for the Luhan and Yuehan Railways, the land remained in Belgian hands and had not yet been reclaimed.

Due to the rapid development of Hankou, the land that the Belgians initially purchased for 6000 taels of silver was now being offered to the Economic Commission for 818,000 taels, a 136-fold increase in price. The Economic Commission was naturally unwilling to pay this amount and continued to negotiate with the Belgians. Although the Belgians did not have any warships joining the joint fleet, they still chose to support it.

However, in Hankou at present, apart from a German gunboat and two companies of armed men, the other concessions combined had less than two companies of armed men, barely enough to form a battalion. They had six machine guns and only 37mm cannons. Such a force was certainly no match for a regular army artillery battalion.

When the Germans refused to join other countries in fighting the Chinese, they even lost their only heavy weapon, the river gunboats. This was clearly not a situation where the Beijing legation could hold out. Unless the Chinese gave up attacking the concessions with cannons, but after the Japanese warships were sunk, what would the Chinese not dare to do? Or rather, would firing at the concessions be a greater crime than sinking Japanese warships?

The talks ended without result. Meanwhile, Sun Wu arrived at Xiaojiagang Station with three battalions of reinforcements. At this time, the Yingshan garrison had already retreated to Xiaojiagang. Sun Wu commanded his troops to repel the Qing cavalry pursuing the Yingshan garrison and then deployed his troops on the spot for defense.

The withdrawn troops and the original garrison at Xiaojiagang Station together comprised about a battalion, giving him a total of four battalions, approximately 2500 soldiers, plus two artillery companies and eight machine guns. Xiaojiagang Station was actually in a very good location, with lakes to the west and south, hills and rivers to the north, and hills to the east.

The railway chose to pass through here because it was the flattest terrain. Therefore, when the Northern Army marched south, its main force would inevitably have to capture Xiaojiagang Station before it could attack Hankou or Hanyang. Ma Yukun arrived at the north side of Xiaojiagang by train on the afternoon of the 24th. After observing the terrain, he knew that a strong attack was necessary, but there was a major problem: he didn't have many artillery pieces.

The Yi Army could advance south lightly, but the Yellow River Bridge was not yet completed, and it wouldn't be easy for cannons to cross the river. They only had six old-fashioned recoilless guns from the Henan New Army, and their ammunition was scarce—less than 30 shells per cannon. Taking advantage of the convenience of trains, by the 24th, the Qing army had amassed eight battalions north of Xiaojiagang: four battalions of Henan New Army soldiers and four battalions of the Yi Army.

Ma Yukun also observed that the Hubei New Army had only recently arrived at Xiaojiagang Station and had just begun constructing fortifications. Therefore, after discussing with Zhang Biao, he decided that Zhong Lintong and Wang Diankui, the left-wing commander of the Henan New Army, would lead two battalions of the Henan New Army to flank Xiaojiagang Station from the hilly area to the east. Deputy General Wang Peilan would lead one battalion of the Henan New Army to attack the west side of Xiaojiagang Station from the Baihu Lake. Yi Army commanders Chen Xiyi, Fang Youtian, and Sun Duoqing would attack from the central route, while cavalry commander Zhao Ti and infantry commander Yu Rentong would serve as reserves at the rear.

Although he had made up his mind to resolve the current Hubei rebels by force, Ma Yukun still intended to give them a chance to lay down their weapons and surrender. After all, he felt somewhat reluctant to see the new army, which the imperial court had spent so much money to train, being wasted in internal strife.

Zhang Biao also supported Ma Yukun's view and volunteered to go and persuade the rebels on the other side. Although Sun Wu met with Zhang Biao, he refused to surrender to the court and asked Zhang Biao in return: "Commander Zhang says that we should be loyal to the emperor and love the country. Then, General Ma, who is the emperor you are loyal to? As for loving the country, we asked the court to resist Russia, but the court joined forces with the foreign powers to attack us. Which country do you love? Compared with you, I think we at least love the people, because we have the support of 30 million people in Hubei."

Zhang Biao couldn't think of a rebuttal to Sun Wu for a moment, so he said to him, "Let's not talk about the affairs of the court. You should at least think about the position of the Xiang General. What you're doing puts the Xiang General in this position."

Sun Wu immediately replied, “Isn’t what we are doing exactly what Commander Xiang wants us to do? Commander Xiang always tells us to sacrifice our lives for righteousness. In the present Qing Dynasty, what greater righteousness is there than resisting foreign aggression? Please go back and tell General Ma that his enemy is not us, but the Russians who have occupied our territory in the north. Our enemy is not him either, but those traitors who let the wolves into our house. I advise General Ma to retreat to Henan; otherwise, we will have no choice but to fight back according to the will of the people…”

Zhang Biao returned empty-handed. The Yi Army generals had differing opinions on the news he brought back. Some thought the Hubei New Army was too arrogant. While they were fighting the Japanese in the north, these New Army soldiers were still nursing in their mothers' arms. What right did they have to criticize the Yi Army? But other generals thought the Hubei New Army's idea was good. Why fight a civil war when there is a foreign enemy at hand?

He Zongxun, Ma Yukun's most trusted confidant and the chief clerk of the Left Army of the Wuwei Army, said to Ma Yukun after the meeting: "Your Excellency, the Hubei New Army's proposal is not wrong. Our morale is unstable. Perhaps it is not too late to wait."

After a long silence, Ma Yukun shook his head and said, "Our army is short of food, supplies, and ammunition. The only thing we can rely on is our loyalty to the court. What the Hubei New Army said makes sense. The longer we wait, the more chaotic our morale will become, and in the end, it will be difficult to motivate them to fight. Now we have no choice but to act. Even if we suffer a defeat, we can retreat. We just cannot drag this out here."

He Zongxun sighed and ultimately did not continue to persuade him. As the supervisor of the military affairs office, he was well aware of the Yi Army's predicament. Although the Yi Army, with its 20 battalions, seemed powerful, Ma Yukun was not Yuan Shikai. He had not inherited the Huai Clique's legacy and could only rely on government funding to make ends meet.

When the Eight-Nation Alliance invaded, the Yi Army had 10 types of rifles in 5 calibers and 7 types of artillery in 6 calibers. Even after a major expansion, the army's weaponry did not change significantly. Yuan Shikai could disobey the imperial court, but the Yi Army had no right to bargain with it.

On the other hand, although the Hubei New Army's strength in Xiaojiagang was not as great as that of the Northern Army, the location was close to Wuhan, making it convenient for supplies to be delivered. Moreover, the New Army's weapons and equipment were much better than those of the Northern Army. When Sun Tzu convened a meeting with his subordinates, he said: "When I was studying in Japan, I heard such a theory."

In the last century, armies needed to concentrate their forces for assaults because weapon output mainly relied on rifles; therefore, concentrating manpower meant concentrating firepower. However, with the advent of high-explosive shells and Maxim machine guns, the concentration of firepower no longer depended on the concentration of manpower. On the contrary, concentrated manpower became more vulnerable to being killed by advanced weaponry, leading to defeats on the battlefield.

The terrain around Xiaojiagang Station was actually quite favorable. There were only a few small villages, hills to the east, Baihu Lake to the west, and fields in front – all with unobstructed views. The enemy couldn't possibly flank us from the west; they would either attack from the front or outflank us from the eastern hills. If we only had rifles, the Union army's attack would trap us in the Xiaojiagang Station area, forcing us to surrender.

But now we have machine guns and cannons, so as long as we take advantage of the Union army splitting up, we can rout the enemy in front of us, and then besiege the Union army detachment that has circled around to the east..."

The three battalions of newly formed troops brought by Sun Wu were all reorganized units, one-third of whom were militiamen from the Hanyang Arsenal. They had all experienced the baptism of blood on the day of the uprising. They were not nervous about the upcoming battles, but were instead full of high morale, because they were not fighting for military pay, but to defend the labor regime.

At nine o'clock on the morning of the 25th, the Northern Army crossed the Xiaohuan River and deployed its ranks. Just as Sun Tzu had predicted, one contingent of the Northern Army broke away from its main force and circled around to the eastern hills. However, to his surprise, the remaining Northern Army formed a dense square formation and slowly advanced towards the train station. Upon seeing this, he said to his commanders, "The Yi Army is finished. They're still using the tactics they used against the Taiping Army..."

Sun Tzu wasn't exaggerating. Although he only deployed one battalion on the front, he placed four machine guns there, and also set up twelve cannons and two more machine guns on the hill to the east. Although the Yi Army had more troops on the front than the Hubei New Army, their front was actually less expansive due to their overly close arrangement.

When the Yi Army was about a mile from the train station, their artillery was the first to fire. However, the untrained Yi Army gunners either overshot or missed, posing no threat to the Hubei New Army's positions which were in a dispersed formation. Instead, it relaxed the New Army soldiers who were initially somewhat tense.

What Sun Tzu found most incomprehensible was that when the Yi Army approached within about 300 meters of the New Army's position, the Yi Army's artillery stopped firing, as if afraid of hitting their own troops. He then modified his orders, instructing the artillery not to aim at the Yi Army's artillery positions, but to directly strike the center of the Yi Army, cutting off the connection between the Yi Army's vanguard and reserves. He then ordered the rifles on both sides of the position to begin firing, while the machine guns in the center and Maxim guns remained stationary.

Under Sun Tzu's command, the new army's artillery bombarded the central area of ​​the Yi army with barrages. Hearing the continuous explosions from behind, the Yi army's vanguard began to accelerate their advance, while the fire from both sides forced the Yi army to keep running towards the center. Soon, the formation of the Yi army's vanguard was in disarray. At this moment, the new army's Maxim machine guns finally began to fire.

Seeing the carnage of the Yi Army in the middle, the Henan soldiers who were advancing from the lakeside towards the west side of the train station finally turned and fled. Zhong Lintong tried to stop them, but Wang Diankui, the left-wing commander of the Henan New Army, pushed him aside and said, "How can we fight like this? The middle has already collapsed. If we rush in, we'll just be throwing our lives away. I can't let my brothers perish here..."

Standing on the riverbank and witnessing this scene, Ma Yukun felt a chill run down his spine and exclaimed, "This is terrible, this is terrible..."

Although He Zongxun was also feeling a bit numb, he snapped out of his daze when he saw the defeated soldiers flee across the Xiaohuan River. He quickly said to Zhao Ti, the cavalry commander who was standing there in a daze, "Zhao Zhouren, what are you standing there for? Get the commander back to Yingshan first..."

Zhao Ti then realized what was happening and immediately called over several of his personal guards. They half-dragged, half-lifted Ma Yukun onto a horse and left. By this time, the entire south bank of the Xiaohuan River was in chaos, and there was no longer any organization to speak of.

Chapter 252 Changes

Before noon, Wuhan received news of the great victory at Xiaojiagang, which was quickly relayed to the citizens of Hankou, who immediately erupted in celebration. If sinking a Japanese warship was a satisfying victory, then defeating the approaching Northern Army was a true triumph for the citizens of Hankou. Until this news arrived, the citizens were uncertain whether the Workers', Peasants', and Soldiers' Committee could defeat the imperial army sent to quell the rebellion.

During the emergency meeting at noon, Chen Tianhua enthusiastically addressed the committee members, saying, "...You have not seen the joy that the citizens felt when we defeated the Qing army. With such popular support, why shouldn't we support Sun Tzu to continue his Northern Expedition?"

Zou Rong chimed in, "Yes, when I arrived just now, the barbers on the street were doing incredibly well because everyone was cutting off their queues. Before, no matter how much we publicized that queues weren't a Han Chinese tradition, not many citizens were willing to cut them. But this great victory has changed their minds. It's clear that if we want to win hearts and minds, we need to win a few more battles..."

Seeing that the committee members were optimistic about the future of the revolution, Tian Junyi felt much more at ease. However, he was not blinded by the victory. Therefore, he interrupted the committee members in time and said, "I support continuing the offensive, but not a military pursuit, but a political pursuit."

Now all the committee members turned their attention to Tian Junyi, and Tang Caichang asked, "What does 'pursuing victory in politics' mean? If there is no pursuit of victory in military affairs, can we guarantee political success?"

After glancing at the committee members, Tian Junyi said, "Comrade Lin Feng once told me that no political, military, or economic means should deviate from our political ideals. We may deceive the people for a while, but don't expect them to be deceived by us forever."

The people may pretend to be deceived by us, but they will never risk their lives for us. This is the fundamental reason why the citizens of Wuhan cheered for the Qing army's defeat: they did not believe that the imperial court had come to rescue them.

We have put forward our current political goals based on our own political ideals. So, esteemed committee members, what benefits does pursuing our military victory bring to these political goals? Eliminating Ma Yukun's forces certainly weakens the Qing court, but this will not strengthen us. On the contrary, it will cause us to lose the foundation of mutual trust for peaceful coexistence with the surrounding governors-general and governors. This is because we have replaced the court and become the most powerful force closest to them. The weak always band together to fight the strong; continuing the war will only result in them uniting with the court against us.

Moreover, if we eliminate Ma Yukun, who will benefit the most? Wouldn't it be Yuan Shikai's Beiyang Army? We'll eliminate a weak enemy, but allow a stronger enemy to gain the court's support. Isn't that just asking for trouble? Keeping Ma Yukun's troops alive at least prevents the court from allocating resources to Yuan Shikai's Beiyang Army, which is advantageous to us.

Everyone thought it was normal for Tian Junyi to be wary of Yuan Shikai, because Yuan Shikai not only inherited the resources of the Huai Clique, but the Beiyang New Army was also the only new army in the country built according to Western methods. From education to training, it would only be stronger than the Hubei New Army. Since Zhang Zhidong himself did not understand military affairs, the education and training of the new army mainly came from German instructors and a few generals transferred from the Beiyang New Army.

The only advantage the Hubei New Army had over the Beiyang New Army was its heavy industrial base, including the Hanyang Ironworks and the Hanyang Arsenal. Although the Beiyang New Army inherited the legacy of the Huai Army, Li Hongzhang's telegraph bureau, steamship bureau, and Jiangnan Arsenal were built on foreign heavy industrial foundations. Without foreign material and technical support, the Beiyang New Army lost its ability to generate its own revenue.

Therefore, the Hubei New Army actually knew more about the Beiyang New Army than the Beiyang New Army knew about the Hubei New Army. Furthermore, Yuan Shikai's abilities were praised by foreigners, and everyone naturally knew that this Governor-General was far superior to the aging Ma Yukun. The crowd finally calmed down somewhat and asked Tian Junyi how he should consider dealing with Ma Yukun.

After thinking for a moment, Tian Junyi said, "Right now, the most valuable things for us in Henan are only three: the railway line, the Pingdingshan coal mine, and agricultural products. If we can control these three things, then who appoints the officials in Henan is not really a problem for us, because what we want is the power to do things, not the power to be officials."

After this defeat, if we don't give Ma Yukun a way out, how can he return to the north? Therefore, he certainly won't continue fighting us for the sake of Henan's interests. Now, what Ma Yukun wants most is to get back the captured Yi Army troops, because that's his core asset. We'll exchange the Yi Army prisoners for him. As long as he retreats with his troops to Xuchang and petitions the court to negotiate peace and unite against external enemies, then we'll return the prisoners to him.”

Tang Caichang thought for a moment and said, "In principle, I agree with Comrade Tian Junyi's opinion, but I want to add one point: Nanyang and Xinyang must be captured. This is not only our gateway into Henan, but also where Henan's military forces are currently concentrated. After capturing these two places, Henan will not have any spare troops to resist our control of the railway line or to do anything else..."

Although they couldn't immediately take over the entire Henan province, everyone agreed that Tang Caichang's additions to Tian Junyi's proposals were quite reasonable. Even if they couldn't conquer the whole of Henan, they shouldn't leave without taking a bite; otherwise, they would be missing out on such an opportunity. Tian Junyi ultimately agreed with everyone's opinion, but he advocated for pilot land reforms in the Nanyang and Xinyang areas. Since Henan and Hubei had little connection, implementing land reforms there would at least face much less resistance.

Tang Caichang then volunteered to go to Xiaojiagang to persuade Sun Wu and negotiate with Ma Yukun. Defeating the court's first attack relieved the committee members considerably, allowing them to temporarily shift their focus from military to political issues. They believed that the victory should be used to establish worker-peasant-soldier committees in various regions of Hubei to replace the current chaotic political system and bring all power under the control of these committees.

This proposal received the support of all committee members. Currently, under the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee, there are only the Hankou-Hanyang Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee, the Wuchang Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee, and the Huangshi-Daye Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee. Other areas are either autonomous gentry and merchant conferences, old government offices, or military control. Although they nominally obey the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee, they selectively execute its orders. Previously, everyone focused their attention on the imperial court. Now that the threat from the imperial court has been removed, they naturally begin to want to take back the power from below.

Compared to the prefectures, counties, and states established by the Qing government, the committee members' thinking was simpler: to expand in four directions around the greater Wuhan area, dividing it into four regions: northwestern Hubei, eastern Hubei, western Hubei, and southern Hubei. The next step was to unify the forces within each region, so that these regions would be completely under the control of the Workers, Peasants, and Soldiers Committee, which would then protect Wuhan from military attacks from a single direction, while Wuhan would serve as the rear support for each region.

In addition, the committee members believed that the time was ripe to march on Changsha. Under the pretext of protecting the shipping route from Pingxiang to Wuchang, they sent troops to the Changsha area and disarmed the Qing army and local militia along the route.

On the evening of the 25th, Ma Yukun's advisors He Zongxun, Tang Caichang, and Sun Wu met in a train carriage ten miles south of Yingshan Railway Station. Although Ma Yukun still had nearly six battalions under his command, the Yi Army was in a state of panic, and the officers and soldiers had no will to fight. It was only because Ma Yukun knew that retreating now would mean a complete rout, and that under the pursuit of the Hubei New Army, most of his men would likely be lost in Hubei, except for a few who could escape back to Xinyang by train, that he resolutely refused to retreat and ordered his troops to defend the area.

Faced with the arrival of envoys from Hubei for peace talks, Ma Yukun dispatched He Zongxun to hear what they had to say. He also needed time to calm his men's fears. The battle that morning had been far too brutal, almost indistinguishable from the battle against the Eight-Nation Alliance. His men had lost the arrogance they had when they first entered Hubei. After all, compared to the Yi Army, the Huguang New Army was a truly new army, completely incomparable to the Beiyang New Army.

After hearing the advice brought back by He Zongxun, Ma Yukun fell into deep thought. He really hadn't expected the other party to make such a request, which put him in a difficult position.

Standing to the side, He Zongxun couldn't bear to see his benefactor die in disgrace and ruin, so he advised him, "Your Excellency, this battle can't continue. Even if we flee back like this, it will be difficult to face the court's censure. I think what they said is right. Now is not the time for a civil war. Even if we win, Your Excellency's reputation won't be good. Besides, we've already lost. Your Excellency's life's work can't go to waste."

"The most important thing right now is to bring the Yi Army back first. As long as you, Grand Secretary, still have troops under your command, the court can't discard you after you've served your purpose. After all, the court still needs you to restrain the Beiyang Army. Moreover, they've said that if we're willing to petition the court, not only will the prisoners be returned, but their weapons will also be returned. If we really do head north to fight the Russian army, Hubei is also willing to provide us with some military equipment and ammunition."

Hearing this, Ma Yukun finally sighed and said, "No matter what they want to do in the future, at least they still care about this country now, so I have nothing more to say. As for what will happen in the future, let's leave it to fate."

In the early hours of the 26th, He Zongxun and Tang Caichang met to confirm the contents of their memorial to the court. Then, on the morning of the 26th, Ma Yukun telegraphed Beijing, explaining that he was no longer able to fight and requesting the court and Wuhan to resolve the issue peacefully, prioritizing the fight against the Russians.

After sending the telegram, Ma Yukun led his troops in a retreat. For every station he withdrew from, the Hubei New Army advanced. Finally, Ma Yukun's forces stopped at Xuchang, while the Hubei New Army moved to Luohe Station before halting their advance. Soon after, the Hubei New Army dispatched two detachments: one to attack Pingdingshan, and the other to advance from Xinyang towards Nanyang. Simultaneously, the garrison in Xiangyang launched a counterattack against the advancing Henan troops.

Sun Wanlin, the general of Nanyang Town who attacked Xiangyang, came from the Songwu Army and had close ties with the Yi Army. When Ma Yukun retreated, he sent someone to deliver a message to him. However, Ma Yukun could run away, but Sun Wanlin, the general of Nanyang Town, had nowhere to run. Given that the Hubei New Army had formed a pincer movement against Nanyang from the east and west, Sun Wanlin sent a message to Sun Wu requesting to surrender.

From the 25th to the 27th, the situation in Henan changed dramatically. The question was no longer whether the imperial court should suppress the rebellious armies in Hubei, but whether it could even hold onto the Central Plains. Under the secret order of Wei Guangtao, the Governor-General of Liangjiang, Ma Jinxu, the General Commander of the Huaiyang Garrison in Jiangsu, began to halt his advance.

On the 29th, members of the Jiangsu-Zhejiang Constitutional Research Association—Zhang Jian, Zheng Xiaoxu, Tang Shouqian, Zhang Yuanji, Zhang Meiyi, Zhao Fengchang, and Sheng Xuanhuai (who was in mourning at home)—collaborated with Wei Guangtao, the Governor-General of Liangjiang, Cen Chunxuan, the Governor-General of Liangguang, and Lü Haihuan, the Minister of Commerce and Minister of Works, to submit a petition to the court requesting a ceasefire and the establishment of a constitutional monarchy. The domestic situation suddenly became delicate.

Chapter 253 Tetanus

Cai E was packing his luggage in his dormitory. After the mutiny in Wuhan, Tian Junyi sent him a telegram urging him to return quickly to reorganize the army. He explained that the party did not have a single military expert of its own, and they could only rely on political means to force those white officers to serve the working class, which was clearly not a long-term solution.