Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 10

Mori Taijiro smiled without saying a word, but simply took out a prepared envelope and pushed it in front of him, saying, "This is the payment for your previous novel from our company. Once you've finished writing the article, just send it to the address inside the envelope."

Seeing the thick envelope, Lin Xinyi finally stopped asking questions and simply thanked Mori Taijiro. Mori Taijiro chatted with Ogawa Heikichi for a while before taking his leave. Tomiyama Mitsuru didn't come in again, and Ogawa Heikichi then stood up and said to Lin Xinyi, "That concludes our relaxation for today. We should head back now..."

Lin Xinyi followed Xiao Chuan out, completely bewildered, and returned with him, equally confused. However, once back in his room, seeing at least twenty 10-yuan bills inside the envelope, his mood improved considerably. With this money, he could finally find a teacher to teach Russian or German. Thanks to his English foundation from his previous life, he had no problem speaking and reading English, but in this era, simply knowing English was clearly insufficient.

The next day, as Lin Xinyi continued his journey between the Ogawa residence and the Imperial Library, Mori Taijiro reported to Ito Hirobumi with the game log from the previous night. He concluded by saying his opinion of Lin Xinyi: "Although he's just a boy, Tomiyama Mitsuru was completely outmaneuvered by him, losing all his usual bravado. After this game, I think Tomiyama Mitsuru should have learned a lesson; politics isn't something a ronin like him can handle… But he's still a boy; he's too reserved when it comes to women."

While flipping through the game records, Ito Hirobumi smiled and said, "Being too reserved around women isn't good. Overly serious people don't go far in politics, and it's hard to predict their behavior. It seems Ogawa Heikichi is too stingy and hasn't given him much pocket money. So, once he starts writing articles, we'll give him a fixed monthly salary, let's set it at 80... no, 160 yuan a month."

Hearing this number, Mori Taijiro was also shocked. An ordinary reporter only earns 25 yuan a month, and 80 yuan a month already exceeds the monthly salary of an ordinary official. The number 160 yuan is even more outrageous. He couldn't help but advise, "Isn't this number too high? He is still a teenager after all. Such a high salary may make him develop some unwarranted ambitions, which may ruin him."

Ito Hirobumi looked up at him and said, "If he wants to engage in politics, the most basic thing is to distinguish between his desires and reality. If he can't even do that, then he's no different from Toyama Mitsuru. In my current position, any small decision can cause the country to lose tens or even hundreds of thousands of dollars. If he can be corrupted by even a few hundred dollars, then it means he's not a political talent, which is a good thing for the country."

As he spoke, Ito lightly flicked the paper in his hand. There was one more thing he didn't say. Based solely on this game record, 160 yuan a month wasn't high. After all, he had Inukai Tsuyoshi support Liang Qichao for 250 yuan a month. However, judging from the international situation, Liang Qichao was far inferior to the young man. At least he hadn't anticipated the connection between the Americans digging the Panama Canal and Japan.

However, when the boy connected British diplomacy with the Panama Canal, Hirobumi Ito immediately realized that this was Britain's backup plan after the Anglo-Japanese Alliance was formed. If Japan really drove Russia back from Asia, then Japan would become the dominant power in East Asia, which would obviously be detrimental to Britain's balance of power policy.

Therefore, in response to Japan's victory over Russia, the British dragged the Americans into the Pacific. However, Ito Hirobumi hadn't anticipated that the British would use this method to balance the power in the Pacific. Throughout the process, the British contributed almost nothing, simply getting the Japanese to fight Russia according to their wishes and granting the Americans the Panama Canal project, yet the balance of power in East Asia was restored.

After reading the game log, Hirobumi Ito's first reaction was that this was indeed something the British would do, and only the British could so quietly achieve a rebalancing of power in East Asia; his second reaction was that he was indeed getting old, and his insight into things was no longer as good as that of a teenager.

However, Mori Taijiro, who was standing next to him, was even more surprised than Ito. He couldn't help but ask, "Does Your Excellency Ito believe that he can reach your level in the future?"

After a long silence, Ito Hirobumi said to his private secretary, seemingly out of the blue, "I see a shadow of Togyoku in him."

Mori Taijiro finally fell silent. He knew that Higashigyo held a higher place in Ito's heart than Genrui. Since Ito aspired to be Higashigyo, he certainly valued the boy highly.

The situation in Qing China did not calm down as Yamagata had hoped. The court's execution of the murderers of missionaries did not deter the peasant uprisings in North China; instead, it further fueled the peasants' xenophobic sentiments, leading to further attacks on missionaries and Christians throughout North China. On May 17, in the rural village of Baoding, 90 miles from Beijing, the Boxers destroyed three villages and killed 61 Christians. Chaos ensued in Tianjin and the surrounding areas of Beijing, forcing the British minister to send marines ashore from the fleet that had been stationed outside Tianjin harbor to exert pressure.

Under pressure from foreign ministers, Empress Dowager Cixi dispatched Grand Secretary Gangyi, a Grand Councilor, and Zhao Shuqiao, the Prefect of Shuntian Prefecture, to Zhuozhou to investigate. Upon returning to Beijing, Gangyi reported to Cixi that "the Boxers are loyal, and their magic is effective." Meanwhile, Prince Zhuang Zaixun, Prince Duan Zaiyi, and Duke Zailan also advocated for appeasing the Boxers and waging war against the foreigners.

After the Wuxu Coup, Empress Dowager Cixi, who had completely controlled the court, was very dissatisfied with the Western opposition to her deposing Emperor Guangxu. Under the persuasion of these conservative and stubborn elements, she was further inclined to use the Boxer Rebellion to protect herself.

On May 20, the envoys of eleven countries in Beijing held a diplomatic corps meeting. The chief minister was authorized to write a note on behalf of all the envoys to the Zongli Yamen (Foreign Ministry), demanding that Chinese officials earnestly implement the imperial edict to ban the Boxers.

It also demanded that anyone who prints, publishes, or distributes posters threatening foreigners, anyone who provides assistance or instigates such activities, and all owners of houses or temples currently being used as gathering places for the Boxers be arrested.

It also stipulated that anyone convicted of arson, murder, rape, or other crimes, along with those who supported or instructed the Boxers in their crimes, must be executed. Finally, an imperial edict announcing these provisions was issued in Beijing and the provinces of North China.

On May 27, the French minister believed the situation was critical and that the Allied Guards should be deployed to Beijing. The German minister believed the Chinese government was crumbling and incapable of acting in accordance with the diplomatic corps' notes.

On May 30, the Zongli Yamen (Foreign Ministry) refused entry to foreign guards into Beijing, but the French and Russians each forced 100 soldiers to land.

On June 2, 30 Europeans fled from Baoding to Tianjin. Twenty miles from Tianjin, they were attacked by the Boxers. Nine Europeans went missing, including a woman, as reinforcements were sent by the Tianjin Allied Forces. A large number of Boxers who were besieging the city were killed.

On June 5, the British consul in Tianjin requested the fleet commander to prepare for an operation to land in Tianjin to rescue diplomats in Beijing.

On June 6, the British minister believed that the situation in Beijing was out of control and that the Zongli Yamen (Foreign Ministry) was powerless to persuade the court to take severe repressive measures. The British Admiralty telegraphed Vice Admiral Sir Seymour, allowing him to take feasible measures to rescue British subjects near Beijing and Tianjin.

On June 10, Lieutenant General Seymour decided to land and head to Beijing with a force of about 2000 men; on June 17, the Allied fleet attacked the Dagu Forts and captured them six hours later.

From May to June, the situation in Qing China took a sharp turn for the worse, falling completely into Ito Hirobumi's calculations. No matter how much Yamagata insisted on his diplomatic approach, at this moment he had to admit that the situation in Qing China was entirely in the hands of Lord Ito, and that he had to listen to Ito's opinions on Qing affairs.

In essence, it was because Ito had already made a judgment on the situation in Qing China at the previous Imperial Conference. If Yamagata continued to act unilaterally, allowing Russia to take the opportunity to occupy Manchuria, then Yamagata would be in an embarrassing situation.

Chapter Thirty-Two: The Second Imperial Conference

On June 15, Tokyo received news that Sugiyama, the Japanese minister to China, had been killed by the Boxers while on his way to meet the Allied Forces heading to Beijing. The Allied Forces' advance on Beijing was blocked at Yangcun, and the Boxers began to sabotage the railway lines leading to Beijing. The situation in North China suddenly became perilous.

On June 18, a day after the Allied fleet occupied the Dagu Forts in Tianjin, Yamagata had to request the Emperor to convene an Imperial Conference to further discuss the situation in Qing China.

In reality, the so-called further discussion was merely a euphemism for Yamagata having to surrender to Ito's diplomatic stance. Yamagata had been able to remain inactive earlier because he hoped the situation in Qing China wouldn't change as Ito had predicted, allowing him to use the fact that the situation hadn't developed as Ito had intended as a basis for counterattacking Ito's diplomatic proposals.

But now, the Qing people are gradually moving towards the prospect that Ito has presented, and Yamagata can no longer adhere to his own diplomatic approach. Because according to his diplomatic approach, he cannot solve the current Qing problem at all; he cannot oppose the Russian army's occupation of Manchuria, nor can he demand that other countries reserve the best areas for Japan when partitioning China.

This meant that his advocacy of Manchuria as a frontier of Japanese interests had failed, and the Anglo-Japanese Alliance he hoped to achieve would not bring any real benefits to Japan. At that point, the Yamagata Cabinet had no choice but to resign en masse.

Therefore, Yamagata Aritomo was much more proactive in front of the Emperor this time. After briefly explaining the current situation in Qing China, he frankly told the elders: "Judging from the changes in the situation in Qing China, the entire North China region has now fallen into a state of disorder and war preparedness. It is no longer possible to rely on the power of the Qing government to suppress these rioters."

Based on British advice, a joint military intervention by various countries to quell the unrest in Qing China is now on the agenda. According to our intelligence, Russian troops are assembling in Amur Province, also known as Heilongjiang Province, and it is an indisputable fact that the Russian army intends to use this opportunity to invade Manchuria.

So what should Japan do? We have no reason to assist the Qing Dynasty in defending Manchuria, but if we follow other countries in reinforcing Beijing, we might have to watch helplessly as Manchuria falls into Russia's hands, which would be detrimental to the security of the Korean Peninsula and to our own security.

Yamagata Aritomo nominally explained the situation to the Emperor and the elder statesmen, but in reality, his only focus was on Ito. He knew very well that the other elder statesmen had no intention of challenging the national policy set by the army, and only Ito's new diplomatic propositions were now firmly suppressing the national policy set by the army.

After Yamagata finished speaking, the other elders, including the Emperor, all turned their attention to Ito, because they knew that the main character of this meeting was actually Ito, if he really had a solution.

Ito Hirobumi calmly replied, "The situation is now quite clear. As I said before, Russia's ambitions will be fully unleashed through this North China Incident. For Japan, if Russia occupies Manchuria, it is better to let China continue to preserve its territory. This way, at least we will not have a truly powerful enemy by our side."

Upon hearing this, Yamagata Aritomo immediately questioned, "Does Lord Ito really believe that Britain has the intention to protect China, rather than taking the opportunity to partition China? If he misjudges this issue, the Empire will suffer enormous losses."

In addition to his work on forming a new party, Hirobumi Ito has been studying the situation in Europe these days. As a result, he has gained a better understanding of the conflicts between the European powers. Although he is not yet sure whether the conflicts between the European powers will lead to war, he is certain that the European powers are forming two opposing camps.

Therefore, in response to Yamagata's question, he replied without hesitation: "If Lord Yamagata could pay more attention to the situation in Europe, he would know that the situation in Europe has changed considerably compared to ten years ago."

The foreign policy of isolating France, formulated by the Duke of Bismarck, was completely abolished after Kaiser Wilhelm II came to power. For example, after the Reinsurance Treaty signed between the Duke of Bismarck and Russia expired in 1890, Wilhelm II did not renew the treaty with the Russians, which meant that Russia no longer maintained a neutral position between Germany and France.

Wilhelm II's world policy sought to secure a place for Germany under the sun, leading to the adoption of two new naval plans in 1897 and this year, actively expanding the German navy. As a land power bordering France and Russia, Germany naturally felt threatened first by the British, who controlled the English Channel, in its naval development.

In 1896, Transvaal President Kluge successfully suppressed the Jansen Expedition. Wilhelm II congratulated the Transvaal president by telegram, an event that greatly reduced mutual trust between Germany and Great Britain.

The above series of events shows that the French never forgot the grudge from the Franco-Prussian War, and relations between Britain and Germany had deteriorated. As a result, Russia's position would determine whether Germany would have to fight on two fronts, which is why the British had to protect China.

Because if Russia were to focus its efforts on the East, it would effectively free up one of Germany's hands, allowing Germany to deal with the French without any worries, which would clearly be contrary to Britain's goal of maintaining a balance of power in Europe.

Yamagata Aritomo fell completely silent. When it came to the situation in Europe, he was completely clueless. For his generation, learning from the West and paying attention to the mainland had already taken up all their energy. As for the situation in Europe, Japan was already doing well enough to keep an eye on its own doorstep, let alone care about the changes in Europe.

Not to mention Yamagata, even Inoue Kaoru, who had always advocated an alliance with Britain, was completely convinced by Ito Hirobumi's analysis. He nodded repeatedly to his old friend and praised him, saying, "I never imagined that Ito-kun could still devote so much energy to studying the situation in Europe amidst his busy schedule. Truly, he is like an old horse in its stall, still eager to gallop a thousand miles. Ah."

Ito Hirobumi felt slightly ashamed upon hearing this. Most of these analyses were summarized by Hayashi Shinichi. If Hayashi Shinichi had not compiled these contents together, he, like Inoue and Yamagata, would not have had such a clear and profound understanding of the situation in Europe.

There's a saying that goes, "Those involved are often confused." When later generations summarize historical experiences and lessons, they can certainly clearly outline a historical development. However, for those who lived through the same era, it's very difficult to piece together seemingly unrelated events.

When these clues were presented to Ito and Yamagata, they could easily see the direction things would take. However, finding and piecing together the correct clues was not something an ordinary person could do. This was also why Ito simply laughed off Hayashi Shin's misbehavior at school; he felt that only such unruly teenagers could see facts that others couldn't.

But for Yamagata Aritomo and Oyama Iwao, this feeling of being suppressed was unbearable. They felt the same way Tomiyama Mitsuru did that night when he played games with Hayashi Shinji—that their intelligence had been completely suppressed by Ito.

Saigo Tsugumichi stopped watching the play and turned to Ito Hirobumi for advice: "From the perspective of protecting China, how exactly should we prevent Russia from occupying Manchuria? If the situation continues to develop and leads to a Russo-Japanese conflict, how should this war be fought?"

Faced with the doubts of these elders, Ito Hirobumi had a clearer path forward. He confidently stated, "The reason for raising the theory of China's preservation is that if Russia were to send troops to occupy Manchuria, Britain would also raise this issue. In other words, Britain, not our country, is the most determined to preserve China."

If such a situation arises, then our country will have no choice but to follow Britain's diplomatic lead; otherwise, the Empire's interests will be harmed. In that case, even if we were to propose the partition of China now, it would ultimately be rejected by Britain. Apart from increasing Chinese resentment towards Japan and Britain's vigilance towards our country, we would gain absolutely nothing.

For example, the cabinet thought it was an opportunity to send troops to Fujian. But if Britain advocated that all countries withdraw their troops from China, would our country withdraw or not? Withdrawing would be a waste of time, while not withdrawing would offend Britain. With Russia occupying Manchuria, would we dare to offend Britain?

Therefore, advocating the "China preservation theory" is merely a last resort, a way to avoid unnecessary detours and effort for our country. Conversely, if our country had been the first to propose the "China preservation theory," it would not only have gained the goodwill of the Chinese people, but also, should Britain's diplomacy shift, it would appear as if Britain were agreeing with our diplomatic stance, which would greatly enhance our country's voice in East Asian affairs.

Inoue Kaoru immediately supported his old friend's opinion, saying with great enthusiasm, "Lord Ito is absolutely right. In the past, our country's diplomacy could only follow Britain. Other powers ignored our propositions in international affairs because they thought Japan was just Britain's follower. As long as Britain nodded in agreement, then our country would not be a problem. If we could reverse the situation and make Britain agree with our diplomatic propositions, that would enhance our national prestige more than sending tens of thousands of troops to fight in China."

Ito then continued, "Since Britain's national power has passed its peak, its need to maintain global hegemony must outweigh its need for external expansion. And the fundamental reason for Britain to maintain global hegemony lies in maintaining the global balance of power. The balance of power in Europe and the balance of power in East Asia are the foundation for building the balance of power on the Eurasian continent."

This balance of power between the East and West regions, if broken in either direction, signifies that Britain's global hegemony is beginning to crumble. The East Asian balance of power is a regional relationship closely related to our country, and Russia's military occupation of Manchuria has effectively made it a disruptor of this balance. We must make Britain realize this.

The best way to make Britain realize this is to feign weakness. We should send troops, but not too many, nor with the best equipment, thereby stimulating Russian ambitions and forcing Britain to increase its support for our country…”

Chapter Thirty-Three: Shanghai

On June 19, the Qing government delivered a declaration of war to the embassies of the foreign powers in Beijing, demanding that their envoys withdraw from Beijing and go to Tianjin within 24 hours, and clearly stating that the occupation of the Dagu Forts by the foreign navies was an act of war.

However, for the allied forces that had already occupied the Dagu Forts, it was impossible for them to withdraw from Tianjin, which they had already occupied, nor was it possible for them to obey the Qing government's order to withdraw from Beijing. What they were waiting for was for the allied forces to enter Beijing, demonstrate against the Qing government, and force the Qing government to make more reparations.

Faced with the foreign ministers who resolutely refused to withdraw and the Allied forces who refused to withdraw from Tianjin, Empress Dowager Cixi, after waiting for three days without any results, finally issued an edict on June 21st entitled "Edict to the Cabinet: Foreigners are Acting Unruly and Arrogantly, We Should Summon Righteous People to Swear an Oath to Punish Them." The central meaning of this article was very clear: to call on the military and civilians to rise up and fight against the foreigners.

From the Qing government's perspective, the foreign powers' occupation of the Dagu Forts was tantamount to a declaration of war against the Qing. Since the foreign powers refused to withdraw their troops after the Qing government submitted diplomatic notes, the fact of war was established, and the next step was naturally for both sides to engage in combat. Therefore, this imperial edict was essentially a general mobilization order for the Qing dynasty.

Of course, according to later historians, the Qing government did not declare war on all nations, because it did not directly submit declarations of war to any country. This logic is roughly the same as the Anti-Japanese War beginning on December 9, 1941, when the Republic of China government declared war on Japan; prior to that, the two countries were merely engaging in friendly combat on Chinese territory.

It can be said that China has never lacked traitorous intellectuals. As long as they can curry favor with the powerful, they will not hesitate to portray murderers and executioners as saints and traitors as national heroes.

However, long before the situation in the north became tense, the Governor-General of Liangjiang, Liu Kunyi, the Governor-General of Huguang, Zhang Zhidong, the Governor-General of Liangguang, Li Hongzhang, and the Minister of Posts, Sheng Xuanhuai, began to discuss how to maintain the stability of the southeastern provinces and prevent the great powers from having an excuse to invade.

When the Qing government sent the declaration of war to the local areas, Sheng Xuanhuai, the Minister of Posts and Telegraphs, ordered the local telegraph offices to withhold the Qing government's summons of the Boxers and the declaration of war, and to only show them to the local governors and viceroys. He also telegraphed the local governors and viceroys, instructing them not to obey the order.

Upon receiving the imperial edict, Li Hongzhang, then Governor-General of Guangdong and Guangxi, immediately telegraphed the court, saying, "This is a chaotic order; Guangdong will not obey it." Li Hongzhang's telegram immediately gained the support of the governors-general and governors of the southeastern provinces.

Liu Kunyi, Zhang Zhidong, Li Hongzhang, Xu Yingkui, the Governor-General of Fujian and Zhejiang, Yuan Shikai, the Governor of Shandong, Liu Shutang, the Governor of Zhejiang, Wang Zhichun, the Governor of Anhui, and De Shou, the Governor of Guangdong, these high-ranking officials in the southeast began to form an interest group that sought to avoid war and preserve their territory. Although Duanfang, the Governor of Shaanxi, and Kuijun, the Governor-General of Sichuan, did not join this group, they also expressed sympathy for this advocacy of avoiding war and preserving territory.

Sheng Xuanhuai, who had significant interests in Shanghai, instructed Yu Lianyuan, the Shanghai Daotai (local official), on the advice of Zheng Guanying, to invite consuls from various countries stationed in Shanghai to a meeting. They agreed on nine articles of the "Southeast Protection Treaty" and ten articles of the "Regulations for the Protection of Shanghai City and Suburbs." From the time Sheng Xuanhuai formally proposed the treaty on the 24th to the formal signing on the 26th, only three days had passed.

The disobedience of the governors-general of the southeast and the signing of the Southeast Protection Treaty caused great panic in Beijing. On June 29, the Qing court issued another edict, "Telegram from the Grand Council to Yang Ru, the envoy to Russia, and others," to the Qing envoys stationed in various countries, emphasizing that this war was by no means what the court wanted. From this moment on, Empress Dowager Cixi had already begun to consider abandoning the hardliners.

At this time, Tian Bangxuan, as Zhang Zhidong's representative, was in Shanghai participating in negotiations on the Southeast Protection Treaty with consuls of various countries stationed in Shanghai. Tian Bangxuan was the son of Tian Jinnan, a famous Hunanese scholar and a member of the South Society. The Changsha Shiwu Academy, where Tian Bangxuan studied, was actually a branch of the Lianghu Academy founded by Zhang Zhidong.

Tian Bangxuan, who had close ties with Zhang Zhidong, quickly joined Zhang Zhidong's staff after returning to China. Although Zhang Zhidong hesitated to accept Tian Bangxuan's suggestions, such as using foreign funds to renovate the Hanyang Ironworks, merging the Daye Iron Mine, Hanyang Ironworks, and Pingxiang Coal Mine into one, and changing it from a government-supervised, merchant-run enterprise to a state-owned enterprise.

However, Zhang Zhidong still greatly appreciated Tian Bangxuan's proposal to build the Wuhan Yangtze River Bridge in order to avoid the chaotic situation in the north and maintain harmonious relations with the foreign powers.

Zhang Zhidong had spoken of Tian Bangxuan to his trusted confidants Liang Dingfen and Zheng Xiaoxu, praising him as a rare talent, born into a scholarly family and possessing exceptional abilities. As the situation in the north became increasingly chaotic, Zhang Zhidong valued Tian Bangxuan's analytical skills even more, and finally sent him to Shanghai.

However, during the months he spent back in China, Tian Bangxuan realized more clearly that the Qing Dynasty was beyond saving. Zhang Zhidong, the so-called leader of the Westernization Movement, had not yet shaken off his bureaucratic nature. Between the court, the reformers, and the foreigners, Zhang Zhidong still prioritized his own power.

Therefore, when the reformists were gaining power, Zhang Zhidong could let Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao preside over the Changsha School of Current Affairs. However, after the Wuxu Coup, he immediately isolated the reformists from his side. Although he and Li Hongzhang were political enemies, he could also support Li Hongzhang without hesitation in order to defy the court's orders, and believed that if Beijing fell, Li Hongzhang could take the presidency to take charge of the overall situation.

Judging from Zhang Zhidong's constantly changing stance, Tian Bangxuan finally admitted that Lin Xinyi was right. The landlords and bureaucrats were not qualified to lead the reform movement because the reform they demanded was to protect their own interests rather than the interests of the country and the nation. Once they found that the target of the reform was their own interests, they would abandon the reform without hesitation.

The development of the Boxer Rebellion in northern China also proved the correctness of Lin Xinyi's statement. China's peasant class was incapable of leading a revolution because they could neither distinguish true friends from enemies, and were too easily seduced by religious charlatans, ultimately causing destruction rather than construction. Fifty or sixty years after the Opium War, there were still people who believed that drinking talismanic water could make them invulnerable to bullets and that menstrual blood could resist foreign guns and cannons. How could such peasant uprisings withstand the invasion of the great powers?

Therefore, the first thing he said to Qin Dingyi, who stayed in the Shanghai International Settlement to run a newspaper, upon arriving in Shanghai was: "The Qing government must be overthrown and the landlord class eliminated, otherwise China will have no way to survive."

Qin Dingyi also agreed with his words. He also told Tian Bangxuan about his work over the past few months and concluded: "...Although some students of the Hunan Academy of Current Affairs agreed with our views, Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao still had a favorable impression of the Qing government. The key was Tang Caichang. The so-called royalists were actually mostly students of my Hunan Academy of Current Affairs, and these students were all deeply influenced by Tang Caichang."

Tang Caichang had always believed that the Manchus had seized China through their barbaric and murderous nature, and that their rule was illegitimate. After the failure of the reform movement and the execution of the Six Gentlemen, he concluded that the Manchu regime should be overthrown. Last year, while in Japan, he was quite close to the revolutionaries and strongly supported Japan's theory of an East Asian republic, but he hesitated regarding our call to eliminate the landlord class.

Although I spoke with him several times, he still wanted to use the power of the royalists to launch an uprising and continue the reform movement, rather than support our gradualist approach.

After listening to Qin Dingyi's report, Tian Bangxuan briefly shared his views on Zhang Zhidong and concluded: "A compromise between the southeastern provinces and the foreign powers has been formed, but the foreign powers will certainly not sign this agreement. They just do not want this anti-imperialist movement to spread from the north to the whole of China."

Therefore, their current goal is simply to appease Zhang Zhidong and Liu Kunyi along the Yangtze River. As long as the governors-general of Hubei and Hunan and the governors-general of Liangjiang do not send troops, there will be no major actions by southern China against foreign powers. However, after the great powers controlled Beijing, the south lost its moral high ground in resisting them, and China became even more vulnerable to being exploited.

Therefore, Lin Jun is correct. On the one hand, we must draw a clear line with the Manchus and stimulate Han nationalism, because the Manchus are incapable of defending China; only the Han people can save China. On the other hand, we must direct the conflict at Li Hongzhang and Sheng Xuanhuai, creating a division among the governors-general and governors of the southeast.

Since the foreigners are merely deceiving the governors-general and governors of the southeast, once the imperial court surrenders, these countries will inevitably demand territorial concessions and reparations. Leaving aside the territorial concessions, the reparations will certainly be astronomical. Therefore, we should appeal in the newspapers, demanding that the powers guarantee the interests of the non-participating areas in the southeast—that is, not ceding territory or paying reparations after the war—and demand that Li Hongzhang and Sheng Xuanhuai provide guarantees.”

Qin Dingyi immediately said, "But wouldn't that cause a division between the North and the South?"

Tian Bangxuan said: "The most important thing right now is to arouse the people's dissatisfaction with the Qing government and the governors-general of the southeast. Talking about patriotism is empty, because this is a country of Manchus and landlords, and the people have no right to love it."

Rather than being trapped in an iron house, it's better to smash it to pieces. The only way out is to first achieve revolutionary success in one province or region, and then expand it nationwide. If losing the three northeastern provinces can awaken the people, then I think losing them is not a loss at all. Conversely, is it glorious to maintain superficial unity and be a slave to foreigners?

Chapter Thirty-Four: Shanghai II

Tian Bangxuan took the time to visit Tang Caichang, one of the founders of the Shiwu Academy and Tian Bangxuan's teacher. This was also the reason why Tang Caichang was able to gather a group of reformers from Hunan and Hubei, because these reformers either came from the Shiwu Academy or studied at the Lianghu Academy.

It can be said that after the execution of the Six Gentlemen of the Hundred Days' Reform, apart from a group of reformists in Hubei and Hunan provinces, there was only a group of reformist gentry in Jiangsu and Zhejiang provinces. People from other regions either withdrew from politics altogether or simply joined the revolutionaries. Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao's so-called domestic support base consisted of the group of Hunan and Hubei youths gathered by Tang Caichang. Without this group, Kang and Liang would have been isolated.

Because Tang Caichang had powerful connections, he was courted by the Japanese and revolutionaries when he went to Japan after the Wuxu Coup. Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao, due to his radical attitude, had to show a willingness to cooperate with the revolutionaries.

When Tian Bangxuan went to visit this teacher, Tang Caichang was also very happy. He personally went out to greet him and said to Tian Bangxuan, "Junyi, I have been waiting for you for a long time. Did you receive the letter that I asked Hucun to write to you? The domestic situation is changing rapidly. I am waiting for you to help me to defeat the Empress Dowager's faction and welcome the Emperor back to rule in his own right."

Standing in the courtyard, Tian Bangxuan glanced around the house and noticed that all sorts of people were in the side rooms on both sides and the main room facing the courtyard. Some of these people were openly discussing the overthrow of the imperial court, while others were trying to persuade someone to join the ancestral hall and become brothers. In one of the side rooms, even more outrageous sounds of people playing dominoes were coming from.

This is hardly a revolutionary stronghold. If Tian Bangxuan were to say it's a gang's headquarters, no one would doubt it. If it were Tian Bangxuan a year ago, he certainly wouldn't have thought this situation was abnormal. After all, to oppose the imperial court, one has to win over these figures from the underworld. Only these secret societies that usually break the law would dare to rise up and oppose the imperial court.

However, he could no longer stand the chaos. He understood that while secret societies could quickly raise an army to resist the government, these unambitious societies would soon disperse due to the setbacks of the revolution. In the end, they would only manage to capture one or two counties and plunder some wealthy families, but nothing would change.

In the eyes of these secret societies, rebellion was nothing more than plundering money and women. If they were lucky enough to overthrow the court, they would all be founding heroes; if they were unlucky enough to lose, they would simply forget each other and wait for the next rebellion. However, such rebellions, besides making the people hate revolution, did not achieve the revolutionary goal of striking at the Manchu rule.

Looking at such disorderly and aimless uprisings from the perspective of the people, Tian Bangxuan felt that this kind of "revolution" was simply nonsense. However, even Sun Yat-sen and others who claimed to be revolutionaries launched uprisings time and time again, hoping to one day strike it rich and overthrow the Qing Dynasty, which is truly speechless.

In fact, while in Tokyo, he and Cai E and others had contacted the revolutionaries, but they not only didn't think there was anything wrong with their revolutionary methods, but also thought they were too timid and not cut out for revolution. The reason these revolutionaries were so convinced of their revolutionary methods was because that's exactly how the Meiji Restoration was carried out in Japan at the end of the Edo period.

Tian Bangxuan, who had discussed the revolutionary path in depth with Lin Xinyi, once suspected that those Japanese ronin were deliberately misleading Sun Yat-sen and other revolutionaries. After all, even a Japanese youth like Lin Xinyi could make a systematic analysis of the success of the Meiji Restoration in the late Edo period. How could these Japanese ronin not know how the Meiji Restoration in the late Edo period succeeded?

Recalling Lin Xinyi's warning about Japan's imperialist tendencies, he did indeed develop suspicions about these Japanese ronin actively involved in the Chinese revolution. Therefore, he was wary of Tang Caichang, who advocated for a union with Japan, which explains why he didn't contact Tang Caichang immediately upon returning to China, but instead went to Wuhan.

If Tian Bangxuan before meeting Lin Xinyi was merely full of youthful enthusiasm, then the current Tian Bangxuan has become mature and cautious. After all, a 17-year-old boy can make such a calm analysis of the international situation, without being blinded by his country's rise. Meanwhile, those of them who have lived more than a decade longer than him can only react with impotent rage when faced with problems. The contrast is truly shameful.

After leaving Kobe Village, Tian Bangxuan constantly examined and changed himself because he simply couldn't accept his past self. Now, seeing what Tang Caichang was doing here, he felt that this teacher was just like his past self, acting entirely out of passion rather than principles.

After looking away, he forced a smile at Tang Caichang and said, "Teacher, can we find a quieter place to talk?"

Tang Caichang had the kind of江湖 (jianghu, a term referring to the world of martial arts and chivalry) mentality, believing that since everyone was working together, there was nothing to hide. However, Tian Bangxuan was one of his prized disciples and had considerable influence among the students of the Current Affairs Academy, so he still gave the student face and invited him upstairs to his bedroom to talk.

Tang Cai usually lives in a well-known Shikumen house in Shanghai, a two-story structure. The sound insulation isn't actually that good, but it's still better than talking to a group of people downstairs.

After the two sat down by the window upstairs, Tian Bangxuan got straight to the point: "Teacher, Lishan must have talked to you a few times before, right? What is your opinion on our gradual approach?"

Tang Caichang didn't mince words and replied directly, "The Manchus committed too much slaughter upon entering the pass. This country shouldn't have been ruled by them in the first place. Empress Dowager Cixi has also acted perversely, and now she's even made the ridiculous mistake of declaring war on all nations in the north. Therefore, I support overthrowing the Manchus. However, the Emperor hasn't done anything wrong. He also wanted to reform and strengthen the country, but he was harmed by Empress Dowager Cixi and is therefore powerless. I believe the Emperor should still be protected."

Tian Bangxuan found it both laughable and absurd, so he pressed on, "Teacher, do you think it's a viable path to oppose the Manchus while simultaneously supporting the Emperor?"

Tang Caichang also knew that his proposal to raise an army to serve the emperor was not popular. Even his students did not agree with the proposal. However, everyone was thinking about starting the revolution first, and whether or not to serve the emperor was something to be discussed later.

After hesitating for a moment, he could only say to Tian Bangxuan: "This operation is a joint effort of various parties. The funds needed for the uprising were provided by Kang Youwei. He is a loyalist, and Kang Youwei would not have given money if we did not raise the banner of loyalty to the emperor."

We're good at reading and writing, but we're really incapable of organizing a revolution; otherwise, the Fushengs wouldn't have been persecuted. In this regard, we had to rely on the revolutionaries. The Revive China Society sent many people to help us contact heroes in various provinces. If we didn't raise the banner of anti-Manchu sentiment, they definitely wouldn't have cooperated.

However, I think that whether it's loyal to the emperor or rebellion against the Manchus, the inevitable outcome is an uprising against the court. It's better for everyone to unite and work together first. Any problems that arise later can be resolved later; I don't believe there are any problems that can't be solved. The most important thing right now is to first muster an army.”